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April 1, 2012, 7:40 am

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From Dictatorwatch - Burma's semi-freedom score card

April 17, 2012, 4:22 am

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Two couples and old cherry tree - photo copyright Kyi May Kaung Italics added. From: free burma Date: Fri, Apr 13, 2012 at 11:57 PM Subject: Burma's semi-freedom scorecard To: announce@dictatorwatch.org Please forward this link to as many people as possible. http://www.dictatorwatch.org/articles/semifreeburma.pdf BURMA’S SEMI-FREEDOM SCORECARD By Roland Watson www.dictatorwatch.org April 13, 2012 Dictator Watch has dedicated itself to helping Burma one day unambiguously become free. Our dream is that the dictators of the country, the BSPP/SLORC/SPDC/NDSC, will fall, and never to be resurrected, as occurred with the German and Japanese regimes at the end of World War II. We planned to celebrate this event with the word “VICTORY,” in 96 point type, across the banner of our website. Oh well. Burma is not there yet. The question is: Will Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy joining the rulers in Naypyidaw bring real victory and real freedom closer, or will it make them more remote? Only time, and the actions of Daw Suu, will tell. Many critical elements of the Burma situation have now changed. It is therefore a good idea to appraise where we are. There are clearly winners, but also losers, from the new status quo. The jury is out on what the new situation means for the most important group of all - really the only important group - the people of the country. Losers The victims of Burma’s military regime The biggest losers from the “New Burma” are the victims of the Burma Army (Tatmadaw), the police, and the other organs of the dictatorship’s oppression apparatus (i.e., military intelligence, swan-arr-shin, fire brigades, prisons and labor camps, etc.). Most directly this comprises all of the people who have been raped, assaulted, murdered, robbed, extorted, forced to labor, imprisoned, and tortured. Their victimhood is now compounded, because in the New Burma there is no chance that they (or their families) will ever receive justice. Daw Suu and the NLD made a political calculation that justice must be sacrificed, that there should not be an international investigation into the regime’s crimes against humanity, or a tribunal for them, much less the ability to bring a case to a local court. The NLD talks about establishing the rule of law in Burma, but since it will take years to address the problems with the regime’s 2008 Constitution, which grants the generals and their foot soldiers immunity from prosecution, any possible investigations are probably at least a decade if not two decades away. It is noteworthy that the tribunal for the victims of Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge also took decades to organize, and that due to this and the fact that Dictator Hun Sen, who was with the KR, did everything possible to impede it, this effort at national justice failed. Through the process now underway in Burma it is inevitable that the Naypyidaw regime will preserve its own veto power and that its victims will also be denied justice. Almost everyone in Burma is a victim of the regime in one of these ways (directly or through immediate family members) as well as in others, including through having had to suffer enforced relocation, poverty, malnutrition, inadequate medical care, and the denial of education. In this sense then the entire country has lost through being refused justice. In recent years, though, the bulk of the regime’s victims who have suffered the worst forms of abuse have been members of the country’s ethnic minorities (aka the ethnic nationalities). Three observations about this are as follows: 1. Daw Suu had no right to decide unilaterally that the people of Burma should never have justice. While she may have received near unanimous support in 1990, and this year from the country’s Burman majority, her support among the ethnic nationalities, who have their own leaders and who in some cases openly disagree with her, is less. 2. While I would hope this is not the case, the question should be asked: Did Daw Suu make this calculation because the greatest number of contemporary victims are from the ethnic groups, and that it is safe to ignore their suffering? More generally, she has ignored the ethnic nationality plight for years. (She traditionally focused almost exclusively on the nation’s political prisoners.) Through doing this she turned a blind eye to what is Burma’s core social issue: Racism against the ethnic nationalities by the country’s Burman generals. (A credible case of genocide has been prepared.) It is difficult to fathom her actions, but a number of explanations are possible, including: She didn’t know how bad the Tatmadaw was treating the ethnic groups; she was afraid to talk about the subject, fearing a reaction from the regime, so she censored herself; she thinks the problems that the ethnic nationalities have are their own fault (as many Burmans believe); she doesn’t want to upset those Burmans among her supporters who are racist (it is not only the generals who have an ethnic superiority complex); or, she noticed that since the international community ignored the atrocities it was safe for her to do so as well. (Of note, the United States, her close advisor, for two decades only backed her and refused to acknowledge the regime’s war crimes.) I don’t know which one of these possibilities is correct. I’m assuming it is fear of the regime. Nevertheless, since this fear has subsided, she must - if she intends to represent all of Burma - concentrate on the country’s ethnic problems front and center. 3. The regime remains free to continue its crimes, as it has been doing, most notably against the Kachin and the Karen peoples, safe in the knowledge that it has impunity and will never be charged. Many commentators say the reform is driven by the regime’s desire to escape from the United States’ economic sanctions, which is certainly true in part. However, it begins with this. Than Shwe, Maung Aye, Shwe Mann, Thein Sein and the other leading generals want a guaranteed amnesty for all of their past and future crimes. The victims of Burma’s military junta are not unknown. Indeed, a few are as follows. I want to start with Nan Bway Poung, whose story is described in the top center article on the Dictator Watch homepage. On June 10, 2002, now almost ten years ago, she was gang raped by some twenty Burma Army soldiers in Karen State. After returning home (many ethnic rape victims are murdered after they have been violated, but some are released), she announced: “I am not willing to live in this world anymore,” and committed suicide. Her final words remain an indictment of everything that is taking place in Burma, including Thein Sein’s “reform.” (They have been a personal goad for me.) Daw Suu does not have a right to deny Nan Bway Poung and her family justice. What is worse is that the lead perpetrator, Captain Ye Htut, of LIB 349, was clearly identified. Who knows, perhaps he is a Colonel or even a General now. He can and should be brought to trial for this crime and the no doubt many others that he has committed. It is intolerable that the thousands of Ye Htuts in the Tatmadaw can be given immunity. It won’t work in any case, either. If and when Burma does finally becomes free, the dictatorship’s victims will raise their voices and demand justice. From last month: A newly-wed Arakanese woman was gang-raped by one soldier from LIB 550 and two members of the swan-arr-shin, after she and her husband reported their overnight stay at her home village. A Karen villager, Saw Lay La Thaw, was killed by MOC 9 troops while crossing a road. Northeast Regional Command troops in Shan State under Col. Tun Tun Nyi killed two Palaung villagers, Gawlai Hkam and Aik Chaing, while they were fishing. Burma Army troops attacked the Kachin Independence Army’s 5th Battalion with chemical weapons, the latest in a series of attacks using the banned ordinance. A Karen woman was sexually assaulted by two BA soldiers at Thay Baw Bo village. Two Karen women were killed during fighting between the regime’s BGF troops and the DKBA. There have been tens of thousands if not hundreds of thousands of such victims in Burma since the massacre in 1988 (and of course many more before that), and for which not one person has received justice. For a record of the regime’s atrocities during the last year, please visit our Burma Death Watch blog - http://www.dictatorwatch.org/burmadeathwatch.html I would strongly encourage everyone who has been victimized by the military junta to travel to the NLD office, 97/B West Shwegondine Road, Bahan Township, Rangoon, and file a grievance with their now duly elected Members of Parliament, providing as many details about the crimes as possible. (If a lot of people do this, maybe the Party will start to show more concern.) The Burma Pro-Democracy Movement In the years following the 1990 election, a major pro-democracy movement, one of the most substantial in the world, was created for Burma. It had many different elements, including: - Ethnic and student armies, which sought to overcome the junta through force. - The NLD, which advocated pacifist tactics and which tried, repeatedly, to achieve positive change through “Burma’s legal system” (an oxymoron, if ever there was one). - Student activists inside the country, who led protests and organized other forms of dissent. - And manifold groups on the outside, including both free media and political dissidents, most notably in neighboring Thailand, the United States, Europe, and Australia, and organized both by exiles and foreign activists, which in innumerable ways documented the terrible crimes of the junta and sought to bring about its defeat. The objective of this movement was always singular and clear: The end of the dictatorship and real freedom for the people of Burma, followed by the construction of a well-functioning system of democracy and then carefully planned and methodically implemented social and economic development. This entire movement, and also its goal, are also losers in the New Burma. The reason for this is again quite simple. The movement existed to exert pressure against the junta. Daw Suu, with one sweep of her hand, decided that the correct course of action was actually to join the regime, to merge with it, and then try to change it from within. Pressure therefore was no longer necessary, or even desirable. Through taking this step, she effectively became the Dictator of the Pro-Democracy Movement. She has even repudiated the idea that Burma should be a subject of pro-democracy activism and advocacy. Her astonishing decision has left everyone in disarray, wondering what, if anything, they should now do. Many different organizations that have worked hard for years are failing, their contributions are no longer desired. (If you are not going to prosecute crimes against humanity, why even document them?) In addition, particularly for groups outside of Burma, they are losing their funding. Funders are now redirecting their money to other groups inside the country, and which also have different missions, to set up a financial system, to lay the grounds for economic development, etc. Now, all of this would be fine if we could be certain that the regime will carry through with its reform, that it will meet the basic demands of a free and open society. 1. To stop attacking the ethnic groups and establish a nationwide ceasefire. 2. To stop expropriations of villager land for economic development. 3. To irreversibly end the Myitsone Dam project, and to evaluate properly all other developments that will have a significant impact on local populations and the environment. 4. To put in place strong protections against corruption and bribery. 5. To release all the political prisoners. 6. To end the nuclear and missile programs including their cooperation with North Korea. 7. To allow political parties and the press complete freedom to operate. 8. To hold a free and fair general election in 2015, if not sooner. 9. And finally, to honor that election result. This is what a real democratic transition would encompass, but there is already great evidence that it is not the regime’s intention. Most importantly: Naypyidaw is continuing its policy of divide and conquer with the ethnic groups, currently through making all sorts of promises to the KNU while at the same time conducting a massive offensive against the KIO. There has been no movement on the release of the remaining political prisoners, believed to number close to one thousand individuals. The regime very carefully excluded the ethnic groups and also the 88 Generation student activists from Parliament. This has a number of consequences. First, it means the generals only have to deal with the tame NLD for at least the next three years. Secondly, it reinforces Daw Suu as Burma’s focal point, which responsibilities she is ill-equipped to deal with on a day-to-day basis, if only because there is so much to do. Daw Suu is being forced to act as an opposition Prime Minister, but without resources or staff, and also with no guarantees that her actions will be tolerated. Furthermore, this has also reinforced the death of the Burma Pro-Democracy Movement. The movement has now been transformed into the Suu Kyi Democracy Movement, meaning that where democracy, human rights and environmental activists formerly targeted the regime and also the International Community, the activists that do remain must now press their cases directly with Daw Suu, as she is the only legitimate representative. She is now an advocacy choke-point, which is both a structural flaw and also an inappropriate role, given that she has so many demands on her time, and also that given her age, health, and inclinations she is not really suited for the role of a master hands-on administrator of all the issues that need to be addressed in Burma, and also all the area’s of regime activity, from military to political to economic, that need to be scrutinized. The ethnic nationalities The varied ethnic nationalities are also losers in the New Burma, because they allowed themselves to be out-maneuvered and out-negotiated. They fell victim to a decades-long series of divide and conquer entreaties, and were never able to create a unified military front, which with coordinated campaigns could have defeated the Tatmadaw. They also now have been excluded from Parliament for the next three years, and will therefore be forced to lobby Daw Suu as well, to press for their interests through her, even though she has never been their strong advocate. Furthermore, taken one-by-one they are at the mercy of international corporations, which in partnership with supranational institutions such as the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and Asian Development Bank, and the trade representatives of the United States, the members states of the E.U., China, Thailand, Singapore, India, Japan, Australia, etc., are certain to create unbearable pressure to go along with poorly-planned, large-scale economic developments in their respective homelands. However, the ethnic nationalities, even without representation in Parliament, are in no way powerless. They still control armies, and they should fight back against any regime violations of their ceasefire agreements, inappropriate developments including villager land expropriation, and also assist those groups such as the KIA against which the Tatmadaw continues to wage war. In addition, even though the ethnic nationalities failed to create a working military front, they can create an effective political front, through the United Nationalities Federal Council. This organization is now well-established, and political cooperation is in many ways easier than military. (Burma’s geography always presented a huge hurdle to armed coordination.) Indeed, the UNFC is an excellent forum for the different ethnic nationalities to combine their common interests, to provide a balance to the NLD, and to ensure that their demands are both heard and satisfied, until they are in a position to enter Parliament as well (if and when the regime ever permits it). Internal pro-democracy groups such as 88 Generation, ABFSU, ABMA, Generation Wave, etc. The many different internal pro-democracy organizations, which operated clandestine, “underground” networks, dedicated to supporting if not actually organizing a new popular uprising, are also now left out in the cold in the New Burma. The common goal of these groups was to achieve a real freedom transition following the pattern of what has in recent years been accomplished by the people of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Serbia, the Ukraine, Georgia, Czechoslovakia, and Poland (among others - uprisings are also now underway in Syria and Bahrain). Daw Suu and the NLD, by joining Naypyidaw, ended - for the moment at least - any possibility of a new uprising for Burma. These groups have been sidelined, and it is difficult to see what they can do, what room for action they have, other than to serve a supporting role for the NLD and to patiently wait until 2015. (The question should also be asked: Why did Burma’s massive pro-democracy movement, and which strove for twenty years, fail, when Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, etc., which had relatively microscopic movements, at least at the beginning, succeed, and all in a short period of time? Who is responsible for this?) On the other hand, I do not mean to in any way underestimate the ingenuity of individuals such as Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi, and their many colleagues. They are fearless, and will unquestionably make their voices heard through strong and varied pressure for a new, better, and ultimately free and democratic Burma. The workers, natural environment, and future social make-up and character of Burma Countries are graded by the United Nations and other institutions. One measure is the Human Development Index, and under this system Burma is ranked Low Human Development. A broader and in some ways less precise measure is simply “Development,” with countries split between developed, developing or less-developed, and least developed. This measure has an implicit bias towards economic indicators, and here Burma ranks Least Developed. The first is an excellent guide. Every country should strive for high human development, since it encompasses such measures as life expectancy, literacy, education, standard of living, and quality of life. Development in the New Burma should focus almost exclusively on social development projects, beginning with education - schools, health care - clinics, and sufficient supplies of nutritious food and clean water; and political development, meaning real democracy and the rule of law, as these are necessary to ensure one’s quality of life. The quickest way therefore for Burma to escape from its Low Human Development level is to focus on social and political objectives. The standard of living measure in the Human Development Index, and the overall Development characterization, concentrate instead on economic development, meaning the manner and outcome of one’s “employment,” as measured by such variables as personal income and also a nation’s gross domestic product. There is a bias here, though. More income and a higher GDP, and with both growing as fast as possible from year to year, is not only an unequivocal good, it is the goal. Standard development measures (based on the “neoliberal” development model, the idea that markets and corporations should be unregulated for the greatest economic growth to be achieved) assign no value whatsoever to whether a nation has a rich culture or collection of cultures, which prize their traditions and also the elderly; a high degree of personal morality and a correspondingly low crime rate; massive and intact areas of natural environment, in which other forms of life are free from hunting and other forms of abuse; a degree of social fairness such that there is limited income and wealth inequality and therefore personal inequality and class structure; and also that the overall society pitches in, through different mechanisms, to help the disadvantaged and disabled. Paradoxically, many traditional societies, while at the mercy of annual weather and crop cycles, do an excellent job on all of these measures. They value their cultures, and establish communities with minimal inequality and where everyone who needs it is helped. They are, though, almost exclusively Least Developed, which to the greater world is an unacceptable stigma and which must be changed, no matter the cost. Had Burma achieved real freedom, it could have used its Least Developed status, ironically, to its advantage. It could have worked to preserve everything that makes the country special, its rich array of cultures and extraordinary natural environment, while working on social and political projects to boost its human development index. Economic development, such as resource exploitation, industrial factories, etc., could have been pursued slowly and very carefully to ensure that the benefits went to all the people of the country and that the social and environmental costs were minimized if not eliminated. This development course is now precluded, because the military regime remains in power. Three years from now, even if the election in 2015 is fair, the die will have been set. So much will take place in the interim that it will be impossible to redirect Burma back to the correct development course. Naypyidaw, working with the U.N., World Bank, ADB, IMF, and the U.S., Europe and Asia (all neoliberal true believers, at least as far as “primitive” countries like Burma are concerned), will shove large-scale economic development projects down the throats of the people (as is happening now with Tavoy and ItalThai). Let the Burma Gold Rush, the corporate rape of the natural environment and the exploitation of Burma’s workers, begin! For decades, young ethnic women have systematically been raped by the Tatmadaw, and Burma’s workers exploited in Thailand. Now the powers that be want to - they will - rape the environment in Burma on a scale hitherto impossible (shiploads of earthmoving machines will soon begin arriving at Thilawa Port), and exploit the country’s workers in new industrial estates full of sweatshops. Indeed, the people of Burma will work for less than the Chinese! It is impossible to understate how quickly this exploitation will ramp up. Corporate dealmakers are already signing contracts with regime officials at the Strand, Sedona and other top-end Rangoon hotels, greased by lucrative bribes, and there are absolutely no controls in place. Years from now, when Burma’s towns and cities are monstrosities like those in Thailand, and there are no longer disparate peoples (as Thailand also once had), and the political economy is so stagnant and class ridden and corrupt that real democracy can never take hold and high-level criminals can never be held to account (again, like Thailand), and where the environment is destroyed (Thailand), everyone should understand that now, 2012, is when it all began. Burma will have higher personal income and GDP, to be sure, but its quality of life, its overall quality as a nation, will be much lower. Winners Daw Aung San Suu Kyi The biggest winner by far in the New Burma is Daw Suu. She is back on the pedestal again and subject to wild public exaltation (at least in Burma’s major cities). She also has such prominence now in the eyes of the International Community that really, the Nobel Peace Prize does not do her justice. She is the Savior Of A Nation. In all of human history, very few individuals have ever been able to claim that accolade. I do not mean to begrudge Daw Suu her due. She has suffered tremendously, including by being locked up interminably under house arrest. She also maintained her courage and commitment throughout years of hardship and sacrifice, and through this deserves unqualified respect. The only concern that one might have is if she fully grasps not only the magnitude of the risk her strategic redirection poses for Burma, but also the risk that having everything channeled through her presents. She has to consider, and guard against, the possibility that she is being used not only by Thein Sein and Than Shwe, but also by the U.S., including Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton and Derek Mitchell, as well as Europe, the U.N., etc. Daw Suu should not want to be the dictator of the pro-democracy movement. She should work to ensure that other, younger leaders are given public prominence, particularly from among the ethnic nationalities. She should ask the diplomats of the world not only to speak to her, but to have regular communications with the leaders of such groups as the UNFC, KNU, KIO, RCSS, etc. At the moment, this is not happening at all. The international community has been very careful not to talk to the ethnic leaders or to show concern for their specific problems. Although I hesitate to mention it, Daw Suu also cannot ignore the legacy of her father. The country’s premier national hero, Bogyoke Aung San’s career was ended by his mortality, and through this all of Burma plunged into dictatorship for over a half a century. The two greatest risks of leadership in the system of representative democracy are (1) poor leadership, and (2) a leader’s passing and the power vacuum this creates and which opportunists soon seek to exploit. The leadership of a nation has to be diversified. For example, the ‘uncles’ of the NLD have been criticized for years for blocking the development of a new generation of leaders. Had this not been the case, there would now be a large group of middle-aged NLD members fully qualified to take charge at both the national and regional levels, and not only as politicians but as administrators. Indeed, the NLD is a beneficiary of the New Burma as much as Daw Suu. Coming under increasing criticism in recent years for its ineffectiveness, it has now been revived. As for policy recommendations for Daw Suu, this article is not the place for such an analysis. I can only suggest that as an MP she finally become specific, that she take clearly defined positions and push for them as forcefully and repetitively as possible. For instance, it is not enough to oppose the conflict in Burma, in general. She needs to acknowledge openly that Burma’s Civil War begins with the Tatmadaw. She also should very aggressively call for the cancellation of the Myitsone Dam. As a figurehead (or diplomat), you have the luxury of not being specific. This is no longer the case when you become a hands-on politician. Daw Suu should announce, firmly and repeatedly, her opposition to uncontrolled economic development, including major projects such as Myitsone, Tavoy, Kaladan, and the Dawei pipeline. If she does not oppose these projects, she is sending a clear signal of what she thinks is important for Burma and how development of the country should proceed. She is saying that she fully supports the neoliberal model. I can further comment that I have a number of friends who are pro-democracy activists for China, and they are very disappointed that Daw Suu on a number of occasions has said that Burma should have good relations with Beijing, i.e., the Communist Party. They think it would be much better if she supported publicly the democratic aspirations of the people of China, rather than implicitly back their oppressors. The military regime After Daw Suu, the biggest winner in the New Burma is the military regime, starting, of course, with Senior General Than Shwe. He can relax and enjoy his Asian-style elderly dictator retirement, still pulling the strings from behind the scenes as required. He will not be overthrown, or tried at the International Criminal Court. His family is protected. All is well. All levels of the regime are in fact winners, and in multiple ways. The other top generals, who should also be tried at the ICC, as well as all the specific on the ground war criminal Tatmadaw commanders and soldiers, are now off the hook. The generals and officers, whether they retain their uniforms or not, will also cement their position as the new upper-class elite of Burma, as they become the part-owners and signatories to the new development deals. Not only will they not be charged for their crimes, they are being given preferred positions as the Gold Rush, otherwise known as the initial stage of astronomical corruption for the country, commences. To them we can also add all the regime cronies and fixers, such as Tayza, Myanmar Egress, etc., Burmese and international consultants, and corrupt ethnic leaders and “pro-democracy” politicians, who are also well-positioned for the start of the nation’s degradation. And finally, the rank and file soldiers of the Tatmadaw are winners. They had been under tremendous stress, with insufficient rations and through being ordered into one battle bloodbath with the ethnic nationalities after another. The peace is good for them. Except against the Kachin their lives are no longer at risk, and they will probably get more food. Development will also improve their lot. There will be a lot more money available for the Tatmadaw, even after the top leaders take their cut. The soldiers should beware, though, their respite may well be temporary. If and when Than Shwe decides that enough is enough, the nation-wide offensives and battles will restart. The Obama Administration Another big winner is the Obama Administration. The President has been roundly and properly criticized for having a weak and poorly conceived foreign policy (and which ignores human rights). Washington has struggled to respond to, much less anticipate, developments in Iran, North Korea, China, and the Arab Spring. Indeed, for the last Secretary Clinton backed the Arab world dictators, pushing for “peaceful,” negotiated transitions in which the dictators would both participate and be protected. The local peoples, though, would have none of it, and instead rose up. This forced Washington to reverse its policy, and it also created mistrust and suspicion among the Arab peoples that the United States was not really for democracy, at least as far as Muslims are concerned. Because of Daw Suu, the U.S. was able to pursue its preferred policy in Burma. A new popular uprising was circumvented. Now there will be an attempt at a negotiated transition, which, even if it fails, still benefits the Administration. The U.S. has positioned itself well in the geopolitical game against China, and also India. Furthermore, U.S. corporations can now grab a share of the Burma lucre. Also, even if it everything falls apart, and Than Shwe’s stormtroopers at some point reassert overt control and even kill or imprison Thein Sein, regarding President Obama’s most important objective, his re-election, he will have a foreign policy victory to trumpet. Presuming he is re-elected, what happens later in Burma is irrelevant. He is limited to two terms. We can prevent a complete betrayal by the U.S. by forcing it to pay attention to the real world, as Daw Suu in fact has done. The U.S. should not end its sanctions until all its benchmarks have been achieved. The by-election was only the first of these (and as we anticipated, it was not free or fair but nevertheless the regime allowed the NLD to win). There are still three benchmarks to go: The end of the civil war; the freeing of all political prisoners; and the hidden issue, which is often ignored, the nuclear and missile program cooperation with North Korea. If we, and Daw Suu, continue to demand that these benchmarks be met, we can force the U.S. to preserve the sanctions, and only eliminate them in response to demonstrable positive change. There is also another issue about the sanctions which no one has mentioned. They do not “belong” to the U.S. government. Rather, the sanctions are “owned” by the many Burma activists who pushed for them, who pressed Congress and then the President to act. As one of those activists - in the Spring of 1997 I was doing a photo show about Burma at a series of U.S. universities, which installation called for sanctions, when President Clinton signed the first law, actually an executive order prohibiting new investment - I feel like they are “our” sanctions. We, the U.S. activist community (most of which was affiliated with the Free Burma Coalition), and other groups such as the NCGUB, pushed for them and got them enacted. I personally want them to stay enacted until their job is complete, until Burma is irreversibly on the road to democracy and a path of appropriate social, political and economic development. (Of note: It is the new investment sanction of President Clinton’s executive order that the Administration announced the U.S.will now relax - ironically, by Bill Clinton’s wife, now Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. The Administration is able to do this because this sanction is not part of a congressionally-approved law, i.e., the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act or the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act.) We also need to guard against the Administration deceitfully dropping the nuclear/North Korea issue, which is actually, together with the geopolitical positioning relative to China, its greatest concern. To fully illuminate the depth of the deception that is now underway, I want to describe, once again, the State Department’s woeful response to my Freedom Of Information Act filing for the Report on Military and Intelligence Aid to Burma required under Section 10 of the Tom Lantos Act, and which report must include whatever intelligence the U.S. has about the nuclear program and its North Korean links. My April 2010 filing was accepted by State’s FOIA office that June, and it should then have been easy to fulfill. The Act requires that the report be prepared, for submission to the House and Senate foreign affairs and foreign relations committees, with an unclassified version to be placed on State’s website. Therefore, I was not asking for anything extra, something that would require a State foreign service officer to set aside time from his or her busy schedule to prepare. Under the FOIA, the agency in question has to respond within thirty days. I actually expected a response, but that it would say that my request had been denied. The FOIA allows a number of exemptions to information requests, the first of which is for “national defense or foreign policy.” I expected State, specifically the East Asian and Pacific Bureau, to say that it could not satisfy my request, and also the provision of Section 10 which requires the report’s publication, because it would be detrimental to U.S. security. We believe that the report has been prepared, given to the Congressional committees, and that it describes relations between U.S. allies such as Israel and Germany, and the Tatmadaw. Revealing this would be embarrassing. By claiming the exemption, these links can be kept hidden (and perhaps also older military cooperation between the U.S. and Ne Win, not to mention China’s involvement in the nuclear program.) EAP though refused to follow the law, indeed, both laws - FOIA and Tom Lantos. They just ignored the filing. I have had a series of discussions with officials at the State FOIA office, who have been very helpful. They have done everything in their power to get EAP to comply. Every month or two they send a “search tasker,” which request EAP then ignores. This month I escalated the process and a State FOIA officer talked to EAP’s Burma Desk Officer. This individual responded that the Burma department was busy and that they would need an additional six to nine months to release the report. (This after what is already now a two year delay.) This response, though, was a lie. The last BDO apparently never had time to satisfy the filing either. It is clear that what is really happening is that EAP Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell has instructed the department never to respond. State’s FOIA office told me that my only hope is “judicial review.” What this means is that I must hire a lawyer and sue EAP to get it to comply, which step frankly I can’t afford. EAP therefore itself has immunity, from its legal obligations, and like the criminals in the Tatmadaw it too can act with impunity. Does anyone think that any of this will change when Derek Mitchell, after Daw Suu, the biggest individual winner in the New Burma, is approved as Ambassador? Total and Chevron Probably what activists will regret more than anything is that the western oil companies Total and Chevron, who are clearly villains, absolutely culpable for the regime’s war crimes, are also winners in the New Burma. Starting with the No Petrodollars for SLORC campaign in the early 1990s, we tried - and failed - to force them to divest. Chevron, then Unocal, was given an exemption to President Clinton’s order, and the Tom Lantos JADE Act was postponed and then rewritten to protect it as well. The fact that these companies, like the regime, have gotten away with murder, is deplorable, all the more so because they can now expand their operations in Burma without restraint and exploit the country and the people even more. If Burma had gone free, a new democratic government could have carefully evaluated all of the regime’s contracts with multinational corporations, and invalidated them where appropriate. This opportunity is now lost. Instead, these companies, which helped the regime block democracy in Burma for decades, now get to profit even more from the reform. This is disgusting. The modern world, which Nan Bway Poung forsook, where the rich and powerful do everything they can to exploit the poor and weak, is truly a savage place. Right now, legions of corporate executives and bankers are drooling over Burma, like dogs around fresh meat. They have already begun to penetrate the country, as an invading army. Moreover, not only do they not care if it goes free, they prefer the status quo. Legitimized dictatorships are better for business. If Daw Suu, the NLD, internal activists who are still willing to protest, and the ethnic armies don’t stop it, Burma is open for business, and Everything and Everyone Is For Sale. Conclusion I’d like to conclude by saying that I hope I am wrong, about all of the above: about the New Burma, about Daw Suu, and even about deceptive and self-serving American diplomats. I’m a foreign activist who decided to dedicate his life to helping the people of the country. (There are lots of people like me.) I believe it is too early to tell if the reform is good or not, particularly for the ethnic nationalities. I dearly hope, however, that it does succeed and that in the coming months Daw Suu and the NLD make great inroads in Parliament on all of the above issues. To recall her famous words, we should hope for the best but plan for the worst. (It is not hope for the best and be blind to the rest!) If Than Shwe launches a new crackdown, the people of Burma need to be prepared to rise up, and, Daw Suu should publicly support this. The ethnic armies should never surrender their weapons. They need to continue to improve their cooperation with each other, maintain their operational readiness, and fight against all Tatmadaw aggression. Everyone needs to oppose the forthcoming corporate rape of Burma, including its diplomatic, media, academic, trade association, and economic consultant promoters. There is absolutely no need to rush. The people of the country do not need any new factories, mines, or pipelines this year or even next. Instead, they need food, water, schools, and clinics, and which the International Community should be prepared to help provide, and with no neoliberal economic development strings attached.

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FBR: FBR: Loss of a Ranger - Saw Kler Lay

April 19, 2012, 10:29 pm

≫ Next: FBR: FBR: Burma Army Mortars Villages and Burns Homes in Kachin State; 50,000 people displaced

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FBR REPORT: Loss of a Ranger - Saw Kler Lay

Karen State, Burma

19 April, 2012

Dear friends,

We are sad to report the loss of a team member. On 28 March 2012, Saw Kler Lay was killed by a lightning strike during a heavy thunderstorm. He was working inside Burma in his home area of Ta Naw Th'ree Township, Mergui/Tavoy District, Karen State. Kler Lay was a video cameraman as well as a deputy team leader, and he had been serving his people as a Free Burma Ranger since 2008. He was tough, smart and kind, and always willing to help and encourage others. On the news of his death, multiple staff members wished to express their appreciation of him and the life he led. These testimonies are below.

-N
FBR Mergui/Tavoy District Coordinator

Saw Kler Lay, 2009

In my first Mergui/Tavoy District FBR Training Kler Lay was a man who immediately stood out to me. He was smart and a strong leader, but what I remember the most was his amazing smile and pleasant, joyful personality. He was so enthusiastic and attentive during all our training sessions and his smile just made you feel honored to be a small part of his life. It was obvious that he was highly respected as a leader by all district team members.

-L

Kler Lay at Training, 2011. Photo credit: hisvoiceforthekaren@gmail.com

Kler Lay was very special friend of mine during the Mergui/Tavoy District FBR Training. His devotion to his Christian faith, and his joy and commitment at being a Ranger will stay with me all my life. He was an excellent team leader and took pride in his role as videographer, setting an example to all to love each other and never surrender. I am honored to have known this man and saddened for all for this loss. I pray for his team and family as they cope with this tragic event.

-J

Kler Lay on Mission, 2011. Photo credit: hisvoiceforthekaren@gmail.com

Dear friends, family and teammates,

I am so sorry for the loss of Saw Kler Lay. He was a wonderful man, teammate and servant of all. I had the privilege of training and working with him and am honored to call him my friend and team mate.

He set an example of love, service, perseverance and professionalism that reflects great credit on him, his people, the FBR and the KNU. He will always be remembered as a real Ranger who gave his all of his people. In life he was a willing servant and a hope for the oppressed. In death he was a hero giving his all and dying while on duty of help, hope and love.

We miss him and look forward to seeing him in God's heaven.

May God comfort and lead us all on to serve as Saw Kler Lay did.

Love,

David Eubank
Free Burma Rangers

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The Free Burma Rangers (FBR) mission is to provide hope, help and love to internally displaced people inside Burma, regardless of ethnicity or religion. Using a network of indigenous field teams, FBR reports on human rights abuses, casualties and the humanitarian needs of people who are under the oppression of the Burma Army. FBR provides medical, spiritual and educational resources for IDP communities as they struggle to survive Burmese military attacks.

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FBR: FBR: Burma Army Mortars Villages and Burns Homes in Kachin State; 50,000 people displaced

April 25, 2012, 5:50 pm

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FBR REPORT: Burma Army Mortars Villages and Burns Homes in Kachin State; 50,000 people displaced

Kachin State, Burma

24 April, 2012

	KEY DEVELOPMENTS
	Burma Army fighting continues in Kachin State since the original outbreak of violence on 9 June 2011, when Burma Army soldiers broke the ceasefire previously held with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). As Burma Army attacks continue, the KIA attempts to defend the population and numerous clashes have occurred between Burma Army and KIA soldiers. Burma Army soldiers have also repeatedly attacked civilian villages, often occupying and looting the village afterwards and forcing villagers to flee. Free Burma Ranger teams have collected multiple reports of extrajudicial killing, imprisonment and torture. There are over 50,000 Internally Displaced People in camps on the border, with thousands more hiding in the jungle.

Map showing area of report

On 8 April 2012, Burma Army soldiers attacked a hill near Gan Dau Yang Village and N'Pawn Village, Wai Maw Township, on which a Christian church and KIA outpost are both located. Burma Army soldiers shelled 120mm and 81mm mortar the hill every 15 minutes throughout the day, shelling a total of 40 mortar rounds. Attacks continued the following morning, with Burma Army soldiers shelling an additional 60 mortars.

Burma Army Infantry Battalions (IB) 390 and 260 started burning the N'Pawn Village on 27 March 2012, and resumed on 5 April 2012 after clashes with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA). Eighty houses have been burned down. There are currently three battalions with 300 Burma Army soldiers in N'Pawn Village, and eight battalions total in the area (IB 340, 389, 260, 348, 398, 305, 360 and 380), totaling approximately 1,000 soldiers.

Homes burning in N'Pawn Village, Wai Maw District where IB 390, 260, and 389 have burnt 80 homes.

On 28 March 2012 at 12:30 pm, Wa Pyat Village, Wai Maw Township, was burned by Burma Army IB 438. The battalion had 300 soldiers, with 200 soldiers outside the village while 100 soldiers occupied the village. The burning of Wa Pyat Village, a village of 15-20 households, followed fighting with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) that happened the day prior, 27 March 2012. Civilian casualties have not yet been determined, but three Burma Army soldiers have been confirmed dead.

On 18 March 2012, LIB 384 and LIB 360 attacked KIA troops between Gawng Dau Village and N'Pawn Village. On 22 March 2012, the fighting continued at N'Pawn (where days later, Burma Army soldiers burned several homes). On the morning of 25 March 2012, the fighting continued at Nam Sam Yang, where Burma Army troops mortared the village and burned nine houses. Multiple restaurants and stores beside the road were destroyed when the village was mortared. Over 200 Burma Army soldiers patrolled around Nam Sam Yang Village and were equipped with rifles, 60mm and 80mm mortars, and M79 launchers.

The remains of a home burned by Burma Army soldiers in Nam Sam Yang Village on 25 March 2012.

Stores that were destroyed by mortars in Nam Sam Yang Village on 25 March 2012.

On 15 March 2012 in Momauk Township, Burma Army IB 69 under Light Infantry Division (LID) 99 mortared a KIA camp near Ban Htang Village. Fighting has been ongoing between the KIA and the Burma Army in the area, while the Burma Army has consistently resupplied troops, patrolled the area, and occupied civilian villages. There are currently over 12,000 Burma Army troops throughout Kachin State.

God Bless You,

Free Burma Ranger Kachin Teams

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FBR: FBR: Shan FBR Teams Complete Trainings and Prepare for Missions

April 28, 2012, 11:12 am

≫ Next: [Altsean-Burma] April 2012 Burma Bulletin

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FBR REPORT: Shan FBR Teams Complete Trainings and Prepare for Missions

Shan State, Burma

April 2012

Dear friends,

With your help, encouragement and prayers, the FBR medical team conducted a one-month medical training for the Shan FBR relief teams. This training focused on commonly encountered illnesses such as malaria, pneumonia, dehydration, diarrhea, and anemia. Additional topics included Basic Trauma Care. During this one month period, students also received training in the Good Life Club (GLC) program.

Shan medical students at graduation

Following this one-month course, the students also finished relief mission preparation on 22 April, which included training in reporting, navigation, GPS, GLC, lifesaving and mountaineering as well as some additional medical training. The teams are now preparing for relief missions in Shan State.

In addition to providing humanitarian relief, the teams will continue to try to put a light on the situation in the Shan areas, where, despite negotiations and a preliminary ceasefire being signed, there have been several clashes between the Burma Army and the Shan State Army-South.

We thank all of you who continue to make this work possible, and for your stand with the people of Burma and the courageous young men and women who have committed their lives to serving those in need. We also want to thank the many guest instructors we had at the medical training and missions preparation training. Finally, thanks to CSW and PRAD for their support of the GLC program to the Shan people.

GLC in Shan State

During the medical training the students covered the following subject areas:

English
Subjective-Objective-Assessment Plan (SOAP Notes)
Basic math, drug calculations etc.
Emergency/Trauma lectures (first aid week)
Diarrhea
Dehydration- including how to make ORS, IV fluid calculations
Malaria
Pneumonia
Common cold
Asthma
Brief TB
Wounds
Burns
UTI
STD
Pre-Eclampsia, Eclampsia
Post Partum Hemorrhage
Typhus
Typhoid
Brief ophthalmology- infection, FB, cataracts, glaucoma
Vitamin A deficiency
Vitamin B1 deficiency
Anaemia
Anaphalaxis
Tetanus
Dental Practical exercises
Case studies

Thank you and God bless you,

Free Burma Rangers

CHW and FBR medics treating patients

GLC games

GLC anatomy class

Shan medics practice emergency procedures

GLC singing with kids

Teaching health and nutrition

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[Altsean-Burma] April 2012 Burma Bulletin

May 2, 2012, 3:34 am

≫ Next: FBR: FBR: Western Burma Update: Burma Army abuses in both conflict and non-conflict areas

≪ Previous: FBR: FBR: Shan FBR Teams Complete Trainings and Prepare for Missions

Dear Friends,

Please find attached the April 2012 issue of ALTSEAN Burma Bulletin.

The Burma Bulletin is a short month in review of events in Burma,
particularly those of interest to the democracy movement and human
rights activists.

In the April 2012 issue you will find:

* NLD wins by-elections
* Tatmadaw steps up Kachin State offensive
* Ethnic groups sign agreements
* Migrant workers in Thailand
* Sanctions eased
* UK PM, EU top official, UN Sec-Gen visit Burma
* List of Reports
* Much more...

The April 2012 Burma Bulletin is also available online at: http://bit.ly/Kq3EIa

You can also receive daily Burma updates by following us on Twitter
http://twitter.com/altsean

Yours, in solidarity,

ALTSEAN-Burma

↧

FBR: FBR: Western Burma Update: Burma Army abuses in both conflict and non-conflict areas

May 4, 2012, 10:37 am

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≪ Previous: [Altsean-Burma] April 2012 Burma Bulletin

FBR REPORT: Western Burma Update: Burma Army abuses in both conflict and non-conflict areas

Karen State, Burma

2 May, 2012

IN THIS REPORT

Western Burma Overview
Arakan State: Forced labor, rape, child conscription, commercial project update, natural disasters
Naga areas, Sagaing Division: forced labor and religious persecution
Chin State: forced labor

Western Burma Overview

In Arakan State, Chin State, Naga areas of Sagaing Division and other areas of Burma, the frequent demands of Burma Army forced labor often are so great that people cannot take care of their own livelihoods. According to one Arakan man from Mariwa Village, Paletwa Township who is now an Internally Displaced Person (IDP) on the border, "The government is not good. All the time forced labor and more forced labor. We cannot take care of our farms and we do not have time to work at our farm. Then the animals were destroyed at our farm. So we have many problems to live in Burma." (Interview: 22 February 2012.) Burma Army abuses remain prevalent even though most of these areas have little or no armed resistance. While the Burma Army is more likely to commit violent abuses such as burning homes and killing villagers in conflict areas, daily oppression such as forced labor and extortion continue in areas without active fighting.

Arakan State

Human Rights Abuses: Rape, Child Conscription and Forced Labor

On 5 April 2012, the Arakan Liberation Party (ALP) signed a ceasefire agreement with the Arakan State Government including an end to fighting and freedom of movement for unarmed personnel. The government did not commit to any troop withdrawals or Burma Army movement restrictions in conflict areas, despite a pattern of Burma Army atrocities against civilians in the area. Many IDPs are scattered along the mountainous borders with India and Bangladesh, having fled from frequent Burma Army demands for forced labor, extortion, and instances of beatings.

In May 2011 in Nygpourchawn Village, Paletwa Township, a 29-year-old ethnic Khumi woman was raped by a Burma Army soldier who entered her home while she was home alone. The father of the victim decided not to report the incident because he suspected there would be no punishment for the perpetrator. Note: Paletwa Township is in Chin State, but is home to many Arakan villages.

On 27 October 2011, a 14-year-old boy from Aurama Village, Buthidaung Township was recruited by the Burma Army with promises of an education. The recruiting commander was Sergeant Soe Aung from Infantry Battalion (IB) 234. The parents of the child were later denied access to him when they requested to see him at a recruit center in Sittwe Township. This is a common occurrence for children recruited by Military Operations Command (MOC) 9 in nearby Kyauk Taw Township, where they are recruited and cut off from outside contact.

Map showing area of report

Sixteen Arakan people from Piedown Village, Paletwa Township, were forced to carry rations and ammunition for 60-70 soldiers in Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 344 commanded by Major Kray Naing Oo. According to one victim, a 50-year-old farmer, each porter had to carry two heavy weapons. They portered for the army column for eight days, going from Piedown to La Ba Wa Village and back, then portered for nine days to a border post and back. During the patrol, one of the villagers sustained an accidental knife wound to his arm but was refused medical treatment by the soldiers, who said he should use "jungle medicine". The villager recalled instances of beatings if villagers arrived late for forced labor duty, and said that the village chairman had been beaten by the military as well.

A 28-year-old farmer from Doechawnwa Village, Paletwa Township, was called for forced portering of arms, ammunition and rations along with nine other villagers on 3 October 2011 by a patrol from Infantry Battalion (IB) 20 led by Myo Man Thun. Along the way they fled to the border because the load was too much to carry, and now live as IDPs. He said, "we would like to return to our home village but we are afraid of Burma Army torturing and killing."

A 27-year-old farmer from Mariwa Village, Paletwa Township, fled to the border from his village after frequent demands from the Burma Army including extortion of food and money, forced labor, forced portering and being forced to serve as a night sentry. In Mariwa Village, villagers were forced to build a perimeter fence around the village, including the Burma Army outpost in the village held by IB 232, for which Soe Man Lwin is Second in command. Twelve villagers per night are required to work as night sentries at the village gate. According to the man, "If we don't take [sentry duty], we are beaten by Burma Army." In an interview on 22 February 2012, he said, "Now we cannot return to my village. If we return to my village, we are beaten and tortured by Burma Army."

About two or three times per month, Burma Army patrols check boundary markers on the international border and force villagers to guide and serve as porters. The porters are intermixed with the soldiers to be used as human shields to prevent ambushes. On 18 February 2012, a 28-year-old man from Salinewa Village, Paletwa Township, was called to be a guide for a patrol from LIB 550 commanded by Lt. Khan Maung Kyi. He was beaten after showing the wrong way through the jungle.

In the second week of July 2011, twenty villages were forced to send 400 bamboo poles to Tarraweye Village's Burma Army Camp. Though the current market price is 30,000 kyat per 100 poles of bamboo, the Burma Army compensated the villagers 1,000 kyat per 100 poles. Later, the Burma Army sold the bamboo for 25,000 kyat per 100 poles.

Burma Army units known to be operating in Northern Arakan State and Paletwa Township including LIB 344, IB 232, IB 289, LIB 550, IB 20 and IB 55, all under Burma Army Western Command. Their weapons include assault rifles, RPGs and M79 guns.

Medical treatment at Piedown Village, 11 March 2012

During their last relief mission, Arakan FBR teams treated 255 medical patients. Previously in July 2011, FBR teams met a 32-year-old mother in Wa Pram Village who stepped on a nail but could not afford medical care. By the time an FBR medic reached her, her foot had become infected and progressed nearly to the point of requiring amputation. The FBR medic treated the wound and provided approximately US$500 to go to a hospital. The ALP contributed US$200. Because she was able to go to the hospital, her foot was saved and she is now recovering.

Commercial activities

Construction site at Maday Island shows the insignia of two corporations involved in the pipeline project: China National Petroleum Company and Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise. Daewoo Intl. (Korea), ONGC Videsh (India), KOGAS (Korea) and GAIL (India) also have a stake in the project. Photo 2 February 2012

Homes of Maday Island residents, affected by loss of land and fishing areas by pipeline construction. Photo 2 February 2012.

Construction continues on the 2806-kilometer-long Shwe Gas Pipeline, which is being built to carry natural gas from sites offshore from Arakan State through Burma, and into China. It also includes a deep sea port and an oil pipeline to deliver imported oil to China. The pipeline reaches land at Kyauk Phyu in Arakan State and runs across Maday Island before continuing northeast into China. Fishing has been prohibited around the pipeline and bridge construction areas near Maday Island, leaving up to 1000 of the island's residents without work.

In September 2011, Burmese Minister of Industry Oo Than Htee announced to Parliament that the gas will be exported to China and not used in Arakan State. Protesters around Arakan State are demanding access to a portion of the gas being exported as well as access to 24-hour access to electricity. Some protesters have been detained and investigated for such activities.

Natural Disasters

Heavy rains flooded parts of Arakan State last year.

Fire destroyed 1272 shops at the Central Market of Minbya Township, Arakan State

There are food shortages especially in the highland areas of Arakan State due to heavy rainfall last year which created poor conditions for rice farming. In addition, multiple fires have caused heavy losses throughout Arakan State throughout the month of November. The first occurred on 1 November 2011 in Kyaknimaw Villager, Ramree Township, destroying 200 houses and leaving 800 people homeless. On 12 November 2011, the Central Market of Minbya Township caught fire, burning 1272 shops and causing billions of kyat in losses. In Mrauk-Oo Township, a fire burned nine establishments near Lakuck market and ten million kyat was estimated in damages. On 19 November, in Sitesa Village, Myebon Township, fire destroyed 146 houses. All fires were accidental, but have caused major losses for Arakan people ranging from the loss of their homes to that of their livelihood.

Forced Labor and Religious Persecution against Naga people

In this section, names of people and villages have been abbreviated to protect the identities those mentioned.

Naga women forced to porter for Burma Army, 9 March 2012

Map of Naga areas

The Burma Army continues oppression against Naga people in Northern Sagaing Division and Kachin State. Naga villagers live in fear of the Burma Army due to frequent demands for food, forced labor, forced portering and poor treatment including beatings. On 9 March 2012, nine people from N--- Village, including two children, were forced to carry rations for IB 237 from N--- Village to P--- Village.

Young boy forced to porter for Burma Army, 9 March 2012

Soldiers from IB 237 travelling with forced porters, 9 March 2012

On 21 March 2012, the village headman from C--- Village was hit twice in the back with a rifle butt by soldiers from IB 297. The soldiers demanded one pig from the village, and the headman responded saying that all the villagers were in the fields and he would find them a pig from the villagers that evening. In response, the soldiers beat him.

According to a 36-year-old Naga villager, IB 52 under Commander Kyaw Soe routinely demanded villagers to serve as porters while also taking the villagers' livestock. In P--- Village, IB 229 used one villager as a porter for heavy equipment and later beat him when he was unable to handle the heavy load. The same battalion forced villagers from H--- Village to serve sentry duty and as porters for the construction of a nearby Burma Army Camp. In M--- Village, soldiers ordered 10 porters as well as 20 kilograms of rice and 2 chickens. In L--- Village, soldiers forced villagers to porter for four days to a Burma Army camp, forcing villagers to give over their animals as payment if they could not physically work.

In K--- Village in 2010, the government administration gave 24 sheets of roofing to the village and demanded that the villagers build a school within three months or face steep fines. The value of the 24 sheets is 1,000,000 Kyat but the cost borne by villagers was 1,600,000 Kyat. Later, newspapers and television inside Burma announced that Naga villages including K--- Village now have schools provided by the government.

During the last relief mission in Naga areas, FBR treated approximately 350 medical patients.

FBR team member treats Naga child with an ear problem, T--- Village, 17 March 2012.

Religious Persecution

During their recent mission, the Naga FBR team interviewed a Christian pastor who, along with his congregation, faced religious persecution at the hands of Burma Army Battalion 229. The incident itself took place in 2005. The interview is reported here to indicate the fear of the Burma Army that exists amongst many ethnic people.

Interview with Pastor U -----, 14 March 2012: I was ordered by Nanyun Baptist Association to serve as a minister for the 16 believer households in Kyet Tun Village (village name changed to protect victims). When I stayed in Kyet Tun Village, on 16 December 2005 I was arrested by Burma Army Infantry Battalion 229. And they arrested me beside the camp in Kyet Tun Village. First, the commander Thet Tun Naing pointed my throat with his pistol and shouted at me that I was a swindler then hurt me. He accused me that I was collecting taxes for the Naga insurgents and I was a fake pastor. When he shouted at me also he slapped me more than ten times and checked my pocket and look at my ID card and ministry card and slapped my face with the cards. Then Commander Thet Tun Naing met the Christian villagers and asked them "would you all enter in Buddhism or not. If you would not do like that you were not allow to stay in Kyet Tun Village anymore. And you have time one week to think about it." But the Christians didn't say anything, and then he slapped the Kyet Tun leader two times but the Kyet Tun villagers said that they would not change.

Then commander Sun Win Naing (serving under commander Thet Tun Naing) chopped the nape of my neck three times with his hand. When I felt dizzy, I lied down on the guarding house and controlled my body. Then Thet Tun Naing accused me that I was a Naga rebel and asked me many questions and tortured me badly. Then he ordered the village head and village committees to check my house, and when they didn't see anything he ordered commander Sun Win Naing and other soldiers to tie my hands on my back and blindfolded my eyes with clothes then they took me to camp and put me in jail the whole night.

The next day 17th December, they took me to Nyaw Kwa Camp and put me there for two days. On 18th about at 8 or 9pm the commander Thet Tun Naing forced me to drink alcohol until I felt drunk and asked me where am I from, and where are the other people with me, what is my position, where are your equipments and then what is my unit? When he asked me the questions like this, I said that "I have no any idea about it and I was not belonging to it. Then I said I am from Nanyun Baptist Association and I was a missionary at there. So I could not answer you any other things. If you want to know about me you can ask Nanyun Baptist Association." I just answered like that. Then he hit me till my blood flowed from my nose and he went back. Then he went to talk about it with the battalion commander and came back and asked me the question again and persecuted me as the same things like that for three times until 11pm. Then he shouted to me that "you are a very stubborn pastor, so you have to wrestle with me and the loser must be killed." He threatened me like this. Then I told him "I came here not to do the competition with anybody. I was here as missionary for believers in Kyet Tun Village." Then he said "Hey man, don't tell like this, come on and we will wrestle" and then he pulled my hand and ordered me to kneel on the door frame and he told me "Hey stubborn pastor, now you are going to be finished, you will not be able to meet your association leaders, your family members and you will have to do nothing with your ministry because you have to go to Yangon soon. And now you pray!" Then I spoke to God and pray for them and pray for Kyet Tun Village. After the praying he ordered me "Now bend down your head on your knees as your praying position." Then I had to stay like this position about 2 to 3 minutes till I felt my neck pain and I didn't make any sound. Then he shouted at me "Hey stubborn pastor, have you died? Get up! You man, the stubborn pastor and the rebel provider, go back to your bed!" And then he tied my hands on my back and my legs and my neck with the bed until I could not move at all, like I was a dead body. Then he told me "Tonight you have to die like that and you have to use toilet on your bed like this position." And he told me that tomorrow 9 o'clock we will meet our Major and he will have the electricity and we will use the electrical shock to pain your body and at that time don't say anything if you get the trouble. He said, "Just say the same words that you say tonight." Then he went back. After he left, a sergeant who was guarding around came and released me, so that I could sleep well for that night.

The next day he took me to Kyet Tun Village and he didn't let the commander to see me. When we entered in village he changed my clothes and let two soldiers guard me at my left side and right side and took me to Kyet Tun Camp. Then at that night they made the fire and we slept beside fire. The next day early morning one of the commander (I didn't know his position), he came to me and pretended to asked me a question, but he didn't ask anything. And he ordered me to write something as he said. Then he asked me to write that "I declare that Kyet Tun Village become Buddhist." Then when I was ordered to write like this, I said "No, I can't do it. It is not possible. I will never agree that Kyet Tun Village become a Buddhist village. I could not write like this." But he said to me that even if you didn't write we have to sign. And he strongly forced me to write. Then I have to end my writing like that.

After then he took me to a different part of Kyet Tun Village and when we entered the village they showed me Rev. U Ch----'s house and took me to a different house. And they kept me there the whole day without food. The other days they gave me food, but then when they didn't give me food, I asked for the food from Kyet Tun Villagers. The next morning at 8 o'clock the commander That Tun Naing came to me and untied the rope and he said "Pastor, now you are finished."

The interviewed pastor is now living in another Naga village in Sagaing Division.

Forced labor in Chin State

In this section, names of people and villages have been abbreviated to protect the identities those mentioned.

There has been no widespread conflict in Chin State for several years. The Chin National Front (CNF) fought against the Burma Army for 23 years, though the conflict was localized to a small area in southwestern Chin State. The CNF signed a ceasefire with the government on 6 January 2012. In spite of years of relative peace, Burma Army demands for supplies, forced labor and other abuses are still present.

Map of Chin State

In Chin State, Burma Army patrols often do not carry their own rations, but demand food from local villagers. On 28 January 2012 at 2pm, a Burma Army soldier named Min Mu Aung in IB 50, commanded by Ku Me Zaw and based at Tibual Burma Army Camp and under Northwest Command, demanded 2kg of rice and a chicken from C---, age 45, from S--- Village, Falam Township, Chin State.

Burma Army forced labor also continues in Chin State. On 8 April 2011, V---, age 32 from S--- Village, was forced by IB 50 to spend one day working on the perimeter fence of Tibual Camp. Troops based at Tibual Camp demand forced labor from nearby villages multiple times throughout the year. In some areas of Chin State, demands for forced labor and portering are enough to cause people to flee the area. About 500 people from Thantlang and Matupi Townships of Chin State have fled to Ta--- Village, Ka Lay Township, Sagaing Division to avoid the demands of forced labor. While formerly they worked their own farms, many now earn incomes as day labourers.

People in Tl--- Village receive mosquito nets from FBR team. 23 January 2012

FBR medic treats patient, P--- Village, 4 March 2012

FBR helps build a latrine in O--- Village, which was destroyed by the Burma Army on 10 June 2000. After the villagers fled, only a fraction returned. Photo 11 February 2012

God bless you,
Arakan, Chin and Naga FBR teams

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FBR: FBR: Reflections from a Relief Team Leader's Wife -- January 2012

May 17, 2012, 5:12 pm

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≪ Previous: FBR: FBR: Western Burma Update: Burma Army abuses in both conflict and non-conflict areas

FBR REPORT: Reflections from a Relief Team Leader's Wife -- January 2012

Karen State, Burma

9 May, 2012

Below is a series of reflections I wrote while on a Good Life Club school tour and relief mission in Karen State, Burma. While we traveled through changing physical landscapes we were constantly aware of the changing political landscape as well. The four months of this year's tour saw remarkable changes in potential for freedom for the people of Burma, and yet, as we walked through areas visibly oppressed by years of Burma Army presence, it was clear that 'potential' was a long way from reality. And so this year's mission was especially fraught, as hope widened the view to show us not only the potential for gain but also the potential for loss. I feel I have been given a gift of 'presence,' being able to be in these areas with many ethnic friends during this significant time in Burma's history. I also want to make a picture of what I saw and felt, for friends and family who pray and care deeply but who have not been able to walk the same trails.

There are six different reflections, titled according to what were my strongest impressions at the time. They are not organized as a chronological narrative, and some are different tellings of the same event. They are here arranged simply in the order in which I originally experienced and wrote them down.

FEAR

Our last GLC program was as close as we could get to villages in the plains region occupied byBurma Army camps, at a military outpost about two hours walk from the plains. Most of these villages are relocation sites and the people living there were forced to move there from their mountain homes. The group was atypical for a children's program as it was made up of a handful of adults due to the travel time and security issues. I've known that security was a serious issue for these villagers but I didn't appreciate the pervasive fear until our time together. I suppose new political developments and the fact that a small FBR team was able to make a second visit this year (albeit with heavy security) made me think that the oppression was gradually lifting, but I was struck to hear how fear and the lack of freedom still permeated so much of their lives.

When we asked about the possibility of bringing our GLC program to their areas they responded "No" quite seriously. "We would not survive the repercussions of your visit. We have no freedom to travel whenever or wherever we want, or to associate with whoever we want." In addition to 'normal' travel restrictions in their area, they have very recently been threatened with severe punishment if they are in any communication with the Karen National Union, the same government of the Karen people that the Thein Sein government has legitimized enough to invite to cease-fire negotiations. They had been told, "There is change now in Burma and you cannot communicate with the KNU."

Lastly, as our program ended mid-day and I asked if some would be traveling home that afternoon, I was told that all who came had to stay until after our group left the next morning. This was so that any evidence of our time together would be gone after they arrived home, and to prevent word from slipping out during our time together that might lead to an attack in response to our presence. Apparently the Burma Army was also afraid, and ready to react at the slightest provocation.

So much fear...everywhere...still.

Yet, church leaders who met with Dave asked him to pass along the message that, especially now, these village leaders would like to be more in contact with their KNU leadership and asked if he could help facilitate this despite the threats and risks. One story Dave told of their visit to the plains was of walking at night across miles of open rice fields, crossing a Burma Army controlled highway and arriving at the banks of the Sittang River in the plains, past the relocation sites and on the western edge of the Karen State. The boldness of the Karen to push through Burma Army controlled territory just to show us their river was one of the many ways we saw courage here. They haven't given up and their resolution seems immovable. But fear here can also be crippling, as the boldness to seize new things is crushed; the very immovableness that stands strong can also prevent moving forward. And so one opposite of fear isn't just standing up in the face of attack -- it is freedom to seize abundant life. It takes discernment to know when to move from standing strong to moving forward.

These are some of the fears of our brothers and sisters in the plains Karen villages. My fears are different -- for family, friends, work ... What is my response to fear? What can the FBR response be? What does God say? I was thankful for what I read in Psalm 73: "Nevertheless I am continually with You; You hold me by my right hand. You will guide me with Your counsel, and afterward receive me to glory. Whom have I in heaven but You? And there is none upon earth that I desire besides You. My flesh and my heart fail; but God is the strength of my heart and my portion forever...But it is good for me to draw near to God; I have put my trust in the Lord God, that I may declare all Your works." (Ps. 73:23-26, 28).

TRUST

These last two months have been a time of surprisingly quick change in Burma. For over 60 years, conflict between the central government and ethnic peoples has been constant and lack of trust runs deeply and almost permanently through their relationship. Yet since the recent elections the government has begun to use words new to the dialogue and out of character, declaring a loosening of their tightly-held, malicious grip on power and making overtures toward democratic change. In response, the Shan, the Karen, and leaders from many other ethnic groups have traveled into longstanding enemy territory to discuss ceasefire agreements. We haven't heard the specific terms of what was decided, nor do we know what has been gained or lost in the conditions. As we asked villagers their opinions we received various responses - mostly of suspicion but one that applauded it as a step towards democracy. We then heard, a few days later, that Karen soldiers had received official orders not to fire at Burma Army patrols in their area. The next day we received two messages from FBR teams on the front lines that the Burma Army had again launched attacks into Karen areas. It seemed the new words were only words. The Burma Army, the leaders of Burma, were proving that their words couldn't be trusted, even as their actions ran true to form.

Trust has so many facets and yet is so simple -- simple but not easy or quick, for it is the product of many small decisions, or actions, done consistently and with integrity over time. Trust is dearly won and easily lost. I think about the villagers and soldiers I am staying with tonight. Who have they trusted and who is violating their trust? The enemy? Their own leaders? Who is working for their best interest...at what level....and with what ability to make those decisions....with what motivations of heart? Do one's own actions lead towards being more trusting or less? Trust relies on transparent truth -- where there is no truth there will be no trust.

We are always trusting people in our lives for love that will manifest itself in different ways. Others are trusting us for the same thing. What is our response to trust or the lack of it? What is FBR's response? What is God's response? "Oh, how great is Your goodness, which You have laid up for those who fear You, which You have prepared for those who trust in You in the presence of the sons of men!" Psalm 31:19 This verse was in the devotions I read this morning. It led me to read all of Psalm 31 which is a full message about 'political' issues of controversy with 'man.'

CHANGE

One guarantee we have in life is that things will change. This year in Burma has seen political movement on a larger scale than in many years, potentially reflecting changes in a good direction, especially in ethnic areas where FBR works. Early conversations among our teams, during the stage of ceasefire 'rumors,' brought about mixed feelings in different directions. The skeptical track was one of heightened alert to deception, betrayal and defense. The hopeful track considered what redefining of roles and relationships would look like. As weeks have passed it has become apparent that regardless of whether the regime is sincere in its expressed intent to reform, or whether it's merely putting a pretty face on the same oppression, change is occurring. Leaders are talking to the SPDC, and some, e.g. the Shan, have already signed agreements. The political momentum seems to be sweeping everything before it and whether it is change for the better or not, it cannot be ignored. At the same time, change in our own organization is becoming impossible to ignore and the need to rearticulate our foundation is becoming clear. For us and our friends in Burma there is a need to define those things that are unmistakably foundational about who we are, while identifying other things that are changeable with the current events. Being strengthened by change is to be unified in distinguishing between the two.

Today, as our route crossed a Burma Army road, 'change' colored the whole day. Many of the Burma Army roads dissect Karen State and are used to resupply camps established by the Burma Army and from which they launch patrols and attacks on villages. They are often centers of violent conflict as villagers try to thread through Burma Army patrols just to move through their land. Our group crossings of these lines are always laden with Karen army security to clear landmines and watch for attacks before, during, and after our whole group, including villagers on both sides, crosses. Often this happens at night, without lights, to avoid being seen by Burma Army camps near the crossing points. There are certain days of the week identified as 'road crossing days' so people can plan their travel around the scheduled security. Several of our friends have lost loved ones who crossed without protection and met Burma Army soldiers who harassed and then killed them.

On this morning, as our column moved quickly and silently to cross this contested area, we were stopped by our front security and told to sit and wait. The first soldiers had unexpectedly met Burma Army soldiers on the road who fired one shot in warning. We heard a dog barking and then, surprisingly, we heard shouting back and forth between the Burma Army soldiers and our Karen security. Amazing - an unprecedented conversation! Everyone was still....everyone was listening. Mostly everyone was expecting firing to begin but instead the Burma Army soldiers were yelling out to the Karen soldiers they couldn't see, but knew were armed in the bushes along the road, "We're not going to shoot. Don't shoot! We've been ordered not to shoot. You can come out." One brave Karen soldier defied the long history of mistrust and did step out to talk to the Burma Army soldier. They agreed on our group crossing safely, shook hands, and the Burma Army continued on to their camp. For the first time in our experience a road crossing had been verbally negotiated in a face-to-face meeting.

Here was a change we not only witnessed but were affected by as well. As we left that area, one of our ethnic team leaders, Doh Say, told me again about signs of the times I hadn't recognized. "Do you remember seeing the empty rice fields about one kilometer before we reached the road? They were black and charred from burning. That is the first step in preparing them for use."

I asked, "Is it safe for the villagers to start planting there?"

He said, "Not yet.... but they do that first step as a test. They are just testing the situation."

Change can be like dark water -- hard to tell how deep it is, hard to tell how fast it will go, hard to tell what lies beneath. It requires eyes wide open and a solid boat to navigate these waters -- not getting swept over falls and not getting stuck on sandbars. We should know what our destination is or we will simply ride the current, an aimless piece of flotsam.

Change is inevitable -- for all of us in any area of our lives. It has momentum and frequently we are swept along without really having desired it. Then, there are times we desire change but can't enact or affect it the way we want. What is our response to change, personally? What is FBR's response to change? What is God's response?

John 15:4 says, "Abide in me, and I in you. As the branch cannot bear fruit by itself, unless it abides in the vine, neither can you unless you abide in me. I am the vine; you are the branches. Whoever abides in me and I in him, he it is that bears much fruit, for apart from me you can do nothing."

DESOLATION

Yesterday, as our trail wound through a deserted area of tall grass and weeds, Doh Say pointed out that it used to be inhabited by 60 houses. I looked again, as it was hard to imagine in the current overgrown state. What I was being told was that it used to provide a full and rich life for many people, but what I saw was a picture of abandonment and desolation. Disheartening -- and all the more so because this was at least the third time in our two months that Doh Say had told me the exact same thing in different places. The first time was in December as our team passed by rice fields within mortar range of a Burma Army camp. The second time was as we walked through a two-km stretch on either side of a Burma Army road. This last section was in a river valley with easy access from Burma Army camps in the plains. All these areas had been abandoned, not because they weren't fertile, but because they weren't safe. The nearby presence of the Burma Army forced the farmers to sacrifice the long-term maintenance of their land as well as immediate food supply by pushing them into the mountains where the farming is low-yield slash-and-burn, with long-term consequences of deforestation and soil erosion. How much more would families be able to produce and eat if oppression was really removed? No one is farming these areas -- not even the Burma Army who casts the shadow; they are desolate and abandoned, yet the richness God put in the soil is still there. This desolation is a choice and a consequence. The land itself is not desolate and is full of potential -- it is waiting for something -- for someone to take courage, for someone to have mercy, for someone to take action. Desolation is not of God, it is not eternal.

What is my response to desolation in myself and others? What is FBR's response to the desolation we witness? What is God's response? The times I have felt desolate, empty, and abandoned are probably the worst I have known. In high school a friend wrote out this verse for me and I've always been thankful for the translation she had that I've rarely seen since: "I will not leave you desolate, I will come to you." (John 14:18) Jesus' words go right to that deep place saying that what I feel is overcome by who He is.

CLARITY

One of the most beautiful sights on our walks in Burma are the clear, clean, glassy streams and rivers we walk by and cross over, we bathe in and camp by, that we use for cooking and drinking and fishing. When we are walking beside them the clarity is both fascinating and beautiful. But when crossing over or wading through these waters, it is of vital practical importance. We can see rocks of various sizes, shapes, stability, and surfaces (read 'slipperyness') -- both interesting and useful in terms of which one is going to flip you into an unplanned bath or help you along your way. Being able to see - and read - the bottom mud is another gift of clarity. Looking down we can differentiate between the kind of mud that will trap a foot, a leg, or swallow you up to your waist. Mud mixed with sand is better for bathing, but even so, stepping into it can change an inviting bathing pool into a cloud of debris in an instant. With extreme clarity, depth can be deceiving. Finding the right place to submerge can be a challenge when there is an illusion of depth because of clarity.

Yesterday I crossed a bridge and looked down into the still, clear water to see an entire tree submerged, leaves and all. At first I was struck by its beauty, but then was reminded (as I continued on the bamboo bridge) that losing my balance and falling in right there would be a challenge to recover from with a heavy backpack. The clarity of these rivers is beautiful but also necessary for navigating through them. In our lives there is so much to see and comprehend and good vision -- clarity - is the difference between a solid step and a painful plunge. On a deeper level it is more of an 'ascertaining' or discerning - discerning what we're seeing and knowing beyond what our eyes see. This is my prayer: I want to have the vision that fills up on beauty as well as knows how to navigate through it.

Psalm 19:14 "Let the words of my mouth and the meditation of my heart be acceptable in Your sight, O Lord, my strength and my Redeemer."

DISCOURAGEMENT

Courage surprised me as the 'missing piece' on a day I felt ground slip out from beneath me. It was at a Good Life Club (GLC) program, put together in a less than ideal situation of a remote location with little support. We wanted to give encouragement and hope to children in the vulnerable plains region but, because of the threat of repercussions on the villagers from the Burma Army, could only come as far as a small Karen army outpost about four hours from the villagers' homes. It was the best we could do and the villagers themselves asked us to not come any closer. Our GLC singing and drama team was a small group of Rangers and a group of young adults who were representing their township for a month-long internship to build relationships in remote villages -- we had first met them at the beginning of the mission, given them a one-day training and then begun the mission. Every subsequent program was more training, and their levels of enthusiasm and participation varied.

On this particular day, several programs into our trip, the challenges started to strike at my enthusiasm. The audience was only a handful of adults instead of children, this new team had been slow to take leadership of the program and they were now late for the afternoon session. Only a couple Rangers directly leading GLC came and I wished for more support from the FBR teams. Between the absence of children and the absence of a team my insecurity grew and the enemy of confidence took full advantage of my weak heart to feed me discouraging lies: "Your new team is not motivated to do their jobs. The villagers are not motivated to be here, the Rangers are not motivated to support this program."

By the afternoon I felt the 'good' in Good Life Club was dissolving away and the ground underneath me was open space -- no foothold and nothing sure to stand on. If the villagers didn't want it, and the team didn't care, why was I here? Thankfully, God gives us names for things, and after one of our team asked how I was feeling, I was able to articulate the root of it all -- discouragement. I thought about it. If I am dis-couraged, I must have lost 'courage' somewhere. Courage is the strength that holds onto faith, that continues to believe in what we cannot see (in the face of what we can see) and to put hope in all that God has given prior to a crisis and regardless of what seems to be happening. Sometimes courage is simply survival, simply clinging to the vision God has given us to steward in both joys and trials. GLC is awesome on a great day: hundreds of kids, a full and vibrant team, busy clinic and happy families milling around, colorful balloons, full lunch, and great gifts for everyone. On a sparse day with very few children, a handful of adults, scattered team and few supplies to offer, is God doing the same thing? Courage is to act passionately out of faith that God continues to be bigger than what we see, hear and feel around us.

As I thought about it later I realized God was doing a full thing even as I was in my black cloud. The team of young leaders who joined us to become the GLC team all came from the plains area that we had not been able to visit. Only on the last day were we able to visit one-on-one with their group, 50 people, and learn that God had been working out a different way for us to reach those families in an inaccessible area. Instead of giving a one-time program to a group of children, we sent the concept, planning, and production to seven different villages through this leadership team. I pray that God will abundantly multiply what He has begun in them, and in my own courage for both what I can and cannot see.

What have been our most recent moments of discouragement? What was our response? What is FBR's response to discouragement? What is God's response?

Joshua 1:9 "Have I not commanded you? Be strong and courageous. Do not be frightened, and do not be dismayed, for the Lord you God is with you wherever you go."

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FBR: FBR: Mae La Bible School Burns to the Ground

May 20, 2012, 7:13 pm

≫ Next: FBR: FBR: Strong Military Presence Remains in Karen State, while Burma Army continues with Attacks, Resupplies and Increased Troops

≪ Previous: FBR: FBR: Reflections from a Relief Team Leader's Wife -- January 2012

FBR REPORT: Mae La Bible School Burns to the Ground

Karen State, Burma

20 May, 2012

Clouds hover over the wreckage that once was Kawthoolei Karen Baptist Bible College - a theological school in Mae La Refugee Camp that has provided education for thousands of refugees from Burma, and inspiration for many more people around the world. A steady rain bounces off the piles of ash that only days ago were hundreds of textbooks and photos of smiling students on their graduation day. Charred posts now tower over a snarl of steel and tin that once served as a shelter for students, staff and guests since the school's opening in June of 1990.

Remains of the ground level of the Bible school

Bible school students sing at graduation

During the afternoon heat on April 28, 2012, a fire started in the school's kitchen, with the flames quickly consuming the entire structure and several of the closest buildings. Two different fire trucks eventually came to help fight the fire, but not in time to save the school. Though the school could not be saved, the fire was contained and did not spread anywhere else in the camp. There were no injuries.

Rev. Simon, who serves as principal of the Bible college, was not present during the fire, but told us about his initial reaction to receiving the news that the school was aflame. "Immediately, I prayed to God that the fire would be contained, and not destroy any more buildings than the school. Later, when I arrived at Mae La, people told me that shortly after the fire started, the wind unexpectedly changed direction, blowing the flames away from most all of the homes surrounding the school."

Despite the loss of the 22 years of work contained in the school and his home, Rev. Simon remains positive. "We have lost everything. But, we have everything - because we still have God."

The remains of the school's library

Burned hymnbooks, Bibles and other books lie scattered in the ashes

Dr, Simon leading last gradutation before the fire

Fueled by faith, Rev. Simon continues to lead his teachers and students forward, with every intention of keeping the school going. With an extensive network of friends, churches and organizations supporting the school, and the presence of a good God, Dr. Simon is not concerned about whether he will be able to rebuild. His dilemma right now is to decide whether it is time to return the school to beloved Kawthoolei (Karen State), or keep the school at its present location in Mae La. Right now, he is, like so many other citizens of Burma, uncertain of whether the political changes taking place in the country are truly sustainable enough for people to safely dwell in Karen State. Despite ceasefires being signed with many different ethnic groups, many states, including Karen State, still experience attacks from the Burma Army.

Putting his knowledge of construction and electricity to good use, Rev. Simon and his students have already begun the rebuilding process for new living quarters. While we chatted with him under the shelter of his temporary home, nearby students sanded down a new wooden door, which was upright in its doorframe by the time our glasses of water were empty.

Building a new door

Thanks to help from many of you, we were able to support the Bible school with mosquito nets, tarps and financially as they consider their next steps. We prayed with them and ask you also to pray for them as they seek to discern God's plan for their future. We are grateful for our longstanding friendship with Rev. Simon and the Bible school. When we have returned from relief missions and come in through Mae La camp, the Bible school has always been a place of refuge for us. To sleep in a peaceful, clean place with the sound of people singing hymns all around made us feel like we were in heaven. I remember as I walked out of the school one night and looked up at the stars shining above the mountains and cliffs that surround the camp, I felt free and my mind at peace. I was at one of God's special places. Now the school has burned down and Rev. Simon is asking for prayer as to how and where to rebuild. Please join us as you feel led to pray for and help him in that.

May God bless you,

Dave Eubank and the Free Burma Rangers

KIds and Dogwood Cross perform at Mae La Bible School

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FBR: FBR: Strong Military Presence Remains in Karen State, while Burma Army continues with Attacks, Resupplies and Increased Troops

May 29, 2012, 5:44 pm

≫ Next: [Altsean-Burma] May 2012 Burma Bulletin

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FBR REPORT: Strong Military Presence Remains in Karen State, while Burma Army continues with Attacks, Resupplies and Increased Troops

Karen State, Burma

29 May, 2012

	In This Report:
	In Mergui/Tavoy District, Burma Army soldiers shoot at civilians while maintaining a military presence throughout the district. In Mu Traw District, violence, ammunition resupplies and troop movement continue. In Kler Lwee Htoo District (Nyaunglebin) District, troop movement continues with over 12 battalions in the area. In Taw Oo (Toungoo) District, incidents of violence continue between the Burma Army and Karen National Liberation Army. In Doo Play Ya District, FBR team treats patients on a recent relief mission while Burma Army unites remain present in the region.

K'ser Doh Medic treating villager in Mergui Tavoy District

Mergui/Tavoy District (Tenassarim Division)

Map showing Mergui/Tavoy District

On 9 April 2012, Light Infantry Battalion (LIB) 593 shot at villagers returning from hunting in Ta Naw Th'ree Township, Mergui/Tavoy District. One of the victims reported that Saw Ka Sor and his five friends were shot at by Burma Army soldiers while crossing the car road at Maw Krae between Maw Hta Village and Kama Plaw Village in the Htee Mo Bwa area. None of the villagers were injured. In April, Burma Army soldiers have built a new camp in the Myin Kamp Aw (Kaw Baw) area while military resupplies continue in Ler Doh Soh Township. On 12 October 2011 in Taket Village, Ta Naw Th'ree Township, Saw Nga Twet was killed by a landmine which was planted by LIB 561. Villagers report that there was no prior warning from the Burma Army unit that landmines had been planted in the area. Two FBR teams recently went on relief missions in Ta Naw Th'ree and K'ser Doh Townships. An FBR team in Ta Naw Th'ree Township visited three Internally Displaced Person (IDP) locations and was able to treat 498 patients. There are currently multiple Burma Army units in the Ta Naw Th'ree area, including Artillery Battalion (AB) 309 and LIB 556, 557, 561, and 224. Resupply of food and ammunition continues, though there has been a decreased amount of Burma Army aggression in the area. Rangers report more freedom of movement and association for villagers in the area since the preliminary ceasefire agreement, and villagers can now openly contact Karen National Union (KNU) officials. In K'ser Doh Township, villagers are experiencing more freedom of movement as well, though military resupply continues and movement is still restricted and unsafe in the Yet Chaung, Paleuk, and Pey areas. While on mission, rangers were able to begin construction on a toilet at a school in Myitmoletkat Village that will be completed next month. The K'ser Doh team treated 180 patients in five separate IDP camps, many of which suffered from malaria and acute respiratory infections.

Mu Traw District

On 10 March 2012, soldiers from Light Infantry Divisions (LID) 11 and 77 as well as mortar and ammunition resupplies arrived in Bu Tho Township. On 18 March, while patrolling around Kay Hta Village, the soldiers captured four villagers and one village headman and stole two cases of tobacco. On 11 March 2012, Burma Army Battalion Commander Naing O arrived at Haw Ma Daw with 50 soldiers. Battalion Commander Sein May Htun arrived in the Thoo Mwe Hta area with an additional 20 soldiers. Both battalions arrived with ammunition resupplies. On 8 March 2012, Burma Army soldiers shot at Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA - pro-democracy ethnic resistance) soldiers in the Plow Ta area. On 15 March 2012, villagers from Meh Pa Village fled when Burma Army soldiers came to stay in their village. The soldiers sunk the villagers' boat containing five sacks of rice and destroyed and damaged multiple farms. On 3 April 2012 at 2:00 pm, Burma Army soldiers shot at villagers' farms in the Saw Mu Plaw area, which is located in Lu Thaw Township.

Kler Lwee Htoo ( Nyaunglebin) District

Map showing Nyaunglebin District

Military resupplies and troop movement also continue in Kler Lwee Htoo District. On 20 March 2012, 300 soldiers belonging to LID 66 led by Win Bo Shein arrived at Tha Byi Nyut, and later continued to Play Hsa Lo Camp. On 2 March 2012, IB 59 used two logging trucks to send food to Maw Neh Camp. On 22 March 2012, LID 101 arrived back at Muthe Camp with 1080 soldiers and 190 horses, continuing on the next day to Ler Doh Village. On same day, LIB 706 and LIB 707, both belonging to Military Operations Command (MOC) 4, left Muthe Camp with 100 soldiers in transit to Paw Kay Ko Camp. As of late March, Burma Army soldiers were in the following locations:

Hsaw Htee Township
LIB 589	Ler Tau Tho Camp
LIB 598	Taung Chi Yin Camp
LIB 350	Wa Ko Law Te Area
LIB 350	Thay Kay Mae Soe Area
IB 57	Shwe Gyin Dam Security
LIB 349	Mae Zaung Camp

Ler Doh Township
IB 264	Baw Ga Ta Camp
IB 60	Tha Bo Area
LIB 351	Wei Min Nye Naung

Moo Township
LIB 599	Toe Aye Shein Area
LIB 590	Yin Oh Seing Camp
IB 30	Kyaw Bya Camp
IB 59	Maw Neh Camp

Taw Oo (Toungoo) District

Map showing Toungoo District

On 5 April 2012, fighting broke out between the Burma Army and the KNLA in the Baw Lay Der area. The Burma Army soldiers were fishing outside of previously designated ceasefire boundaries when the fighting began.

Doo Pla Ya District

On a recent relief mission in Waw Ray Township, an FBR team was able to treat over 950 patients, suffering most commonly from malaria, intestinal worms and the common cold. Waw Ray Township currently has two active Burma units, IB 62 and LIB 586, both of which are headquartered at Ah Nan Kwin Camp. Villagers feel that the greatest need in the area is within the realm of education, where there is limited governmental funding for schools.

Thank You and God Bless,

Free Burma Rangers

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[Altsean-Burma] May 2012 Burma Bulletin

June 1, 2012, 3:51 am

≫ Next: FBR: FBR: Fighting and Ongoing Displacement in Kachin State, Burma: Update

≪ Previous: FBR: FBR: Strong Military Presence Remains in Karen State, while Burma Army continues with Attacks, Resupplies and Increased Troops

Dear Friends,

Please find attached the May 2012 issue of ALTSEAN Burma Bulletin.

The Burma Bulletin is a short month in review of events in Burma,
particularly those of interest to the democracy movement and human
rights activists.

In the May 2012 issue you will find:

* Kachin conflict intensifies
* Electricity protests
* Daw Suu makes history
* Regime's negotiating team reorganized
* US suspends sanctions
* Labor unrest hits Rangoon
* List of Reports
* Much more...

The May 2012 Burma Bulletin is also available online at: http://bit.ly/LPExiJ

You can also receive daily Burma updates by following us on Twitter
http://twitter.com/altsean

Yours, in solidarity,

ALTSEAN-Burma

↧

FBR: FBR: Fighting and Ongoing Displacement in Kachin State, Burma: Update

June 2, 2012, 3:03 pm

≫ Next: [Altsean-Burma] The war in Kachin State: A year of more displacement and human rights abuses

≪ Previous: [Altsean-Burma] May 2012 Burma Bulletin

FBR REPORT: Fighting and Ongoing Displacement in Kachin State, Burma: Update

Kachin State, Burma

1 June, 2012 (Report Date: 23 May, 2012)

	KEY DEVELOPMENTS
	While ceasefire negotiations are taking place in some ethnic areas, attacks continue in Kachin State, Northern Burma. The Burma Army is pressing its attacks in Kachin State with over 100 battalions deployed. There are over 50,000 Kachin people displaced, over 60 Kachin civilians killed and 100 Kachin soldiers killed. Burma Army casualties are unknown, but estimated at 1,000 wounded and killed. Along with the KIO, WPN, Partners and other organizations, the Kachin FBR teams are helping those in need.

Map showing area of report in Kachin State, Burma

Internally Displaced People (IDPs)

There are currently 50,998 displaced people living in 45 temporary camps in the Kachin area. The IDP and Refugee Relief Committee (IRRC) is the branch of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) that manages these IDP camps. An estimated 10,000 more people are displaced but not in camps - these are either hiding in the forests, staying with family and friends or privately cared for by churches. There are also displaced people in cities such as Myitkyina and in other Burma Army-controlled areas. Most people in conflict areas have already fled, but new displaced people continue to come to the camps; there have been at least 3,000 new IDPs in the month of May. Most of these have been in the Panwa and Hkagaran Yang areas, to which the fighting has recently spread. In areas all around Kachin State many people remain in the forests, unable to reach the camps either due to the Burma Army or natural barriers such as the Irrawaddy River.

IRRC is responsible for running the camps and most of the funding to support the IDPs continues to come from the KIO. Additional funding and support has come from church organizations, businessmen, cultural organizations, the United Nations, the World Food Programme and other organizations. The Catholic charity Caritas is wholly supporting six of the camps. Over 12 tons of rice per day are required to feed people in all the camps. IRRC has been able to provide rice for all the camps on a day-to-day basis, but with no reserve. There has been a shortage of other foods such as vegetables, oils or proteins, causing a nutritional problem. In order to provide enough rice, the IRRC has incurred debts of $US158,000. It costs over $US31,600 per day to feed everyone in the camps, or $US948,000 per month; approximately $US0.70 per person per day. This is only the cost of food and does not include costs for shelter, clothing, health care and education.

Here is a breakdown of locations of displaced persons:

Area*	Number of displaced people in camps
Central Division (5^th Brigade)	23,705
Eastern Division (3^rd Brigade)	13,070
Southern Division (4^th Brigade)	914
Northern Division (1^st Brigade)	4362
Western Division (2^nd Brigade)	1691
Cross-border refugees	7256
Total	50,998

*This table uses KIO administrative divisions. Kachin Independence Army (KIA) brigade areas parallel the administrative divisions, and are shown in parentheses (also see map).

Burma Army Activity

The Burma Army is focused on extending control over all Kachin State and protecting development projects. There seem to be three parts to Burma Army strategy: 1) Control supply lines, 2) Cut off access between 5th Brigade (including the KIO headquarters at Laiza) and 3rd Brigade to the south at Dungbung, 3) cut off access between the Laiza area and the Laisen area to the north - thereby isolating Laiza and Kachin Independence Organization/Kachin Independence Army (KIA) headquarters.

The Burma Army is concentrating on resupplying their camps and pushing troops and material forward. This is across a broad front focused on resupplying camps and 1) the pipeline route in the KIA 4th Brigade area in the northern Shan State--Kachin State border area, 2) jade mines in 2nd Brigade -- west of Mogaung, 3) all supply lines and 4) the border towns of Laiza and Mai Ja Yang. There is also fighting along the Bhamo - Myitkyina road as the Burma Army tries to control this major route.

There are over 100 Burma Army battalions now in Kachin State - we estimate up to 120 battalions which in the understrength Burma Army system is around 8,000 troops. This comprises Northern Command with 39 garrison battalions including troops from Northeastern Command in the KIA 4th Brigade area, Military Operation Command (MOC) 1, MOC 3, MOC 16, MOC 21, Light Infantry Division (LID) 33, LID 77, LID 88, LID 99. In all these areas there are now few casualties as most villagers have fled and the KIA is ambushing and moving - no large scale fixed battles. The Burma Army has major resupply and reinforcement problems and the offensive seems very much slowed.

Tactics: the Burma Army moves along roads, mortars villages, attacks villages to deny use of village to villagers and to deny support for the KIO. The Burma Army is using 60mm, 81mm and 120mm mortars as well as 105mm howitzers. There is some use of landmines in villages the Burma Army passes though.

The KIA ambushes Burma Army columns and resupply routes. This has caused casualties and slowed the resupply and reinforcement of forward areas by the Burma Army.

Recent fighting (13-21 May 2012):

1) Nam Sam Yang area, 5th Brigade: Burma Army shelling villages, KIA counterattack and hold Burma Army off.

2) Sumprabum area, 1st Brigade: Attacks supported by helicopter firing rockets and machine guns.

3) Panwa area in 1st Brigade: Burma Army attacks continue.

4) Man Mau Village, Nalung area, 5th Brigade (north of Laiza and Nam Sam Yang along Nam Sang River - mortars heard from this attack at 10pm on 16 May.)

5) 4th Brigade area along Shwe Gas Pipeline route -- small scale attacks.

6) 3rd Brigade area -- small scale fighting as Burma army resupplies and reinforces. Hydropower and other development projects

Northern Kachin State: Following Thein Sein's order that Myitsone Dam construction be halted, there has not been further work on the dam. Gold mining by a Chinese company continues in areas that would be flooded by the dam. Myitsone is at the confluence of the Mali River, which comes from the North, and the Mai River which comes from the Northeast. Flowing south from the confluence is the Irrawaddy. Upstream from Myitsone along the Mali there is one dam planned, and upstream along the Mai there are six planned. One dam has already been built on the Chihpwi River, which is a tributary of the Mai following in from the east, and the power from it flows to Myitsone and to Myitkyina.

Central Kachin State: There are 2 dams under construction by the China Datang Corporation along the Taping River between on border of 3rd and 5th Brigades near Sangang. Fighting first started here on 9 June 2011 because the Burma Army wanted to remove a nearby KIA post. The Burma Army now controls the dam site area but construction has been halted as all the workers have been evacuated to China. The border is about 5km away. A dirt road off the Bhamo-Myitkyina road is supplying dam site.

Northern Shan State: The Shwe Gas Pipeline is planned to run through Kyawk Me, Ti Paw, Nam Tu (west of Lashio), and Nam Kham (on Shweli River at border, west of Muse) where it then passes into China at Ruili. They are building different isolated sections, not always connected. Currently the Burma Army and KIA are fighting north of Nam Tu over control of the pipeline route. Six battalions from Burma Army MOC 1 are near areas under KIA control.

Transport & Supply Routes

The main Burma Army supply lines are the Irrawaddy River from Mandalay to Bhamo and the rail line and road lines from Mandalay to Myitkyina. In mid-April the rail line was disrupted by the KIA's 2nd Brigade, 5th Battalion, between Namsi Awng and Mawhun (near Maw Lu) just north of the Kachin State-Sagaing Division border. It has since been repaired. From Myitkyina and Bhamo, resupplies continue on roads (where not blocked by KIA ambushes), by boat over rivers, on foot and mule, and at times by helicopter.

Bhamo-Myitkyina road: Burma Army controls the road running north from Bhamo to Dohpum Yang. North from Dohpum Yang to Nalung there is no clear control as the Burma Army and KIA battle over this area. The KIA controls the road from Nalung north to Nam Sam Yang (this stretch of road includes the fork that goes to Laiza). North of Nam Sam Yang to Myitkyina is Burma Army controlled. Because of KIA control near Laiza, the Burma Army cannot drive between Bhamo and Myitkyina. They can resupply their camps using rivers such as the Munglai River off the Irrawaddy, but it is difficult now in the hot season as the rivers are too low in places for boat traffic. There are supply shortages at the frontline Burma Army camps.

The Burma Army camps at Dohpum Yang and Gangdau (the frontline camps to the south and north of the section of the road controlled by the KIA) each have two 105mm howitzers. Artillery fire from Dohpum Yang is heard on every day here with the Burma Army firing 105s on La Jai Yang and Nam Sang Yang. LIB 142 is at Dohpum Yang.

The Burma Army controls territory in 5th Brigade west of the Bhamo-Myitkyina road.

The road from Myitkyina to Putao was controlled by the Burma Army, but recently the KIA attacked in the Hkagaran Yang area and now controls road there. The Burma Army cannot get through and must fly supplies to Putao instead of drive.

The Kanpaiti road from China to Myitkyina is blocked by the KIA between Sadung and Lahpai.

The main crossing areas into China are at Ruili and Muse.

In 5th and 3rd brigade, the KIA controls the border.

KIA conducts ambushes along the Lashio-Muse road. In this area, the KIA is conducting joint operations with troops from the Palaung State Liberation Front and Shan State Army-North.

Border Guard Force (BGF) area, east of 1st Brigade: Fighting on April 27 and 28 occurred between Border Posts 6 and 7 north of Panwa. Also there is continued fighting east of Washa. The Border Guard Force (ethnic proxy army of the Burma Army) has 3 battalions, total 600 men. The BGF controls Panwa, where there is a border crossing. This BGF unit was previously the National Democratic Army-Kachin, which converted to a BGF in 2009.

MOCs 3 and 21 are normally assigned to Northern Command. MOCs 1 and 16 are normally assigned to Northeastern Command in Shan State. LIDs 88 and 99 are known to have come to the area. Others are coming but some have been reported to have removed their unit patches as they join and reinforce units in Kachin state. (LIDs 33 and 77 have been previously reported as being present.)

Thank you and God bless you,

Kachin Free Burma Rangers

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[Altsean-Burma] The war in Kachin State: A year of more displacement and human rights abuses

June 7, 2012, 10:19 pm

≫ Next: [Altsean-Burma] Unrest in Burmas Arakan State: A chronology of events

≪ Previous: FBR: FBR: Fighting and Ongoing Displacement in Kachin State, Burma: Update

Dear Friends,

ALTSEAN-Burma has released a briefer titled �The war in Kachin State: A year of more displacement and human rights abuses.�

In the past year, the Tatmadaw has deployed nearly 25% of its battalions to Kachin State, escalating its war with the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and bringing further suffering to civilian populations in Kachin State and Northern Shan State.

Tatmadaw soldiers have constantly targeted civilians in Kachin State and Northern Shan States as part of their military operations against the KIA. Human rights abuses have included extrajudicial killings, rape of women, arbitrary arrests, torture, forced displacement, the use of human shields, forced labor, and the confiscation and destruction of property. All of these systematic abuses would be considered war crimes and/or crimes against humanity under international law.

The ongoing conflict has displaced about 75,000 people, including at least 10,000 refugees who crossed the border into China. Despite the severity of the situation, the regime has frustrated relief efforts, severely restricting humanitarian access to local and international organizations.

The KIA�s political leadership, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), has made repeated attempts to negotiate a lasting peace in Kachin State. However, the regime has rejected the KIO�s request to discuss long-term political solutions prior to a ceasefire agreement.

The briefer is available at: http://bit.ly/LhoeOz

You can also receive daily Burma updates by following us on Twitter https://twitter.com/#!/ALTSEAN

Yours, in solidarity,

ALTSEAN-Burma

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[Altsean-Burma] Unrest in Burmas Arakan State: A chronology of events

June 13, 2012, 4:18 am

≫ Next: Aung San Suu Kyi speech in Norway on June 16, 2012

≪ Previous: [Altsean-Burma] The war in Kachin State: A year of more displacement and human rights abuses

Dear Friends,

ALTSEAN-Burma has released a briefer titled �Unrest in Burma�s Arakan State: A chronology of events.�

The rape and murder of a 27-year-old Buddhist Rakhine woman and the murder of 10 Muslim pilgrims triggered deadly sectarian clashes between Buddhist and Muslims in Arakan State starting on 8 June.

According to the regime, as of 12 June, 21 people had died and 1,662 houses and a mosque had been destroyed as a result of the unrest. However, various organizations said that the death toll might be much higher as a result of escalating attacks and reprisals affecting Muslim Rohingya and Buddhist Rakhine.

The authorities� decades-long discriminatory policies and practices targeting Rohingya have reinforced the racial and religious animosity between the two communities in Arakan State. Rohingya have suffered restrictions on marriage, freedom of movement, and religious practice. In addition, the regime has routinely subjected Rohingya to forced labor, extortion, land confiscation, and other human rights abuses.

The briefer is available at: http://bit.ly/LlBLmo

You can also receive daily Burma updates by following us on Twitter https://twitter.com/#!/ALTSEAN

Yours, in solidarity,

ALTSEAN-Burma

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Aung San Suu Kyi speech in Norway on June 16, 2012

June 16, 2012, 11:29 pm

≫ Next: FBR: FBR: No Ceasefire Here; Homes Destroyed, Families Separated but the Kachin People Still Stand

≪ Previous: [Altsean-Burma] Unrest in Burmas Arakan State: A chronology of events

"The Nobel Peace Prize opened up a door in my heart."

In 1991, Burmese Aung San Suu Kyi was under house arrest and unable to collect the Nobel Peace Prize, awarded for her non-violent struggle for democracy and human rights.

On 16 June, 2012, she finally delivered her Nobel Lecture in Oslo, Norway.

↧

FBR: FBR: No Ceasefire Here; Homes Destroyed, Families Separated but the Kachin People Still Stand

June 19, 2012, 9:06 pm

≫ Next: The Rule of Law

≪ Previous: Aung San Suu Kyi speech in Norway on June 16, 2012

FBR REPORT: No Ceasefire Here; Homes Destroyed, Families Separated but the Kachin People Still Stand

Kachin State, Burma

12 June, 2012

Dear friends,

Thank you so for all your love and support. We are now on a relief mission in Kachin State, Northern Burma and here there is no ceasefire. During the training of the new teams, we could hear shells explode as the Burma Army shelled villages nearby with 105 Howitzers, 120mm and 81mm mortars. Over 50,000 people remain displaced and during this mission we saw over 12,000 of them in eight different sites. The FBR staff trained 12 new teams here: 9 Kachin teams, 1 Arakan, 1 ABSDF (All Burma Student Democratic Front), and 1 Ta-aung (Palaung) team, and went with them on an extended relief mission. We gave medical care, put on Good Life Club programs and got as close as we could to the Burma Army to document their activities. Attacks have slowed down this month to three in our area and one we witnessed, but there are still over 110 Burma Army battalions operating in Kachin State.

Burma Army camp on Myitkyina-Bhamo bridge

The first IDP site we visited was a factory on the outskirts of a town that has been designated by the Kachin Refugee Committee, of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), to serve as a temporary home for over 2,000 displaced people, out of over 50,000 in other, similar areas. The first people arrived in early June last year after the fighting started and have been here now for one year. The KIO is doing their best to give food, education and shelter to the IDPs but it is still a difficult way to live. In this first site we visited, each family has a 3 meter by 3 meter plywood cubicle, with over 70 of these stuck together under a tin roof in the main part of the factory. It is hot here now, and in the cubicles, stifling.

Child in IDP site

Children newly arriving to IDP site

During this first program, and seeing the situation of these people, anger rose in me at why people were forced to flee and live like this. I thought, "This is why we are in FBR, this is what our mission is about- stand with these people and help them until there is change."

What can we do? For us it seems we can do very little - but those little things we can do, we do with all our might. We pray with and for the IDPs; we run a Good life Club program of songs, health and spiritual teaching for children and skits and games for the families; we hand out sports equipment for schools to teachers and t-shirts for the kids, and set up a mobile clinic to treat basic ailments and pull teeth as needed; we interview the people here and send their stories out around the world; we go near to and recon Burma Army camps to monitor their activity and put a light on their actions. During this mission, we visited IDPs near towns as well as in the jungle and spent most of our mission on foot to reach different communities, document destroyed villages and report on the Burma Army activities.

Kachin kids during Good LIfe Club program at IDP site

One man who had lost one of his children asked me, "Who cares, and who do I complain to, who do I make a legal complaint to? I have lost my home, my village, animals and one of my sons is still missing since the attacks. What do I do?" I prayed with him and told him to write out his complaint. I told him to give it to us and we would put it out as news and pass it to some new contacts we have in the Burma government and anyone else we can. I told him maybe the government will do nothing but that, above all, God cares and will help him. He said, "Thank you, that makes me feel like I can at least do something, it gives me peace. Thank you, I will try. I feel better now." He had new hope and conviction based on actions he would take and based on his faith that God does care and will help.

We did multiple recons of Burma Army camps, usually only able to get no closer than one kilometer away but sometimes we were able to move within 200 yards of their camps. We took photos of the Burma Army as they occupied the ground that belonged to the Kachin people and as they sat in dominant positions overlooking villages, towns, bridges and the Taping River dam they had taken. Even as we observed them, I felt sorry for them: they looked hungry, unkempt and not motivated. Their mission is not a noble one and I believe they know it. So we crawl as close as we can, document as much as we can, and even though sometimes we do not want to, we pray for them. All of us are in need of redemption and while we stand with the oppressed, we know the line between good and evil runs between each heart, not between people. We also pray for ourselves to not be wounded, captured or killed as we do this.

5 Burma soldiers in trenches and bunker with machine gun

On the way to a recon of a highway bridge held by the Burma Army, we passed five burned homes that the Burma Army had torched two weeks ago on May 28th. They had come through in a 200-man resupply column for one of their forward camps and as they approached the homes they opened fire with rifles and machine guns. Then as the Kachin soldiers tried to hold them off, the Burma Army fired two rifle grenades with chemical munitions. White smoke came out as the grenades impacted and immediately all those caught in the cloud of smoke began to choke, become dizzy and nauseous and their eyes began to burn. Although no affected person has died from these munitions, this may be a chemical more potent than tear gas or military grade High Content CS, as the symptoms persisted for up to three days.

Homes burned 28 May 2012 near Nam Sang Yang village

Homes destroyed by Burma Army in Nam Sang Yang town

As I looked at a broken piece of the empty canister of gas munitions, the Kachin soldier who showed it to me said, "They were 200, we only 12, but we slowed them down and kept them from doing more damage to the village and we are still here." He is less than 5 feet tall and is the same soldier who led us creeping through open rice fields in between four Burma Army camps, right up to a Burma Army position on the Bhamo- Myitkyina bridge. He is all smiles, all courage, and all commitment.

Burma Army camp on Myitkyina-Bhamo bridge

Taping Dam with Burma Army bunkers in foreground

One night as we slept in the pillaged compound of a family who had fled, I found wedding photos of the parents and a series of photos of their young son at different stages of schooling. The pictures that struck me most were one of the boy on a podium receiving his 8th grade diploma. The parents had this picture up in almost every room - they seemed so proud of their son. The home, ransacked as it was, still had charm and you could see it was a place of love, warmth and most of all a home for someone. The other picture was of the mother in her wedding dress, beautiful and serious. This I found outside the house in the weeds and trash. I was told that the father became sick and died after the attacks started, that the mother and boy fled and now the boy might be in lower Burma in boarding school and the mother in China with relatives. I am not sure how, but I hope to get in touch with these two people to thank them for their home and to tell them it is still a fine home and that I pray one day they can return. On our last day here we were in the middle of an exchange of fire between the Burma Army and the Kachin resistance. No one was hit by the Burma Army machinegun and rifle fire, but the Burma troops remain in their camp above the village and the village remains empty.

I write this from a small dilapidated bamboo hut on the edge of a town ransacked and burned by the Burma Army, and it is clear that the situation in Burma is not simple. In Burma there is more than one government. There is the central government and there are many representative ethnic governments. While positive changes have occurred, there are still attacks and oppression. We had a very good meeting in March with representatives of the central government and we felt mutual warmth and a shared sincerity for change, but on the ground in some areas we see other realities as well: children killed, homes destroyed, churches desecrated, people fleeing. As changes occur in Burma, how can people under oppression and attack be helped in a more comprehensive way? What do you do when oppression which is destructive to both oppressed and oppressor goes on? We thank you for your part in standing with and helping those who are in need and not yet free.

Good Life Club program

Medics treat patients

May God bless you,

Relief Team Leader, Family and the Free Burma Rangers

Kachin State, Burma

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The Rule of Law

June 20, 2012, 2:51 am

≫ Next: [Altsean-Burma] Unrest in Burmas Arakan State: A chronology of events (Updated)

≪ Previous: FBR: FBR: No Ceasefire Here; Homes Destroyed, Families Separated but the Kachin People Still Stand

Speaker(s): Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Professor Christine Chinkin, Professor Nicola Lacey, Sir Geoffrey Nice QC, Dr Maung Zarni

Recorded on 19 June 2012 in Peacock Theatre, Portugal Street.

Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is Chairman of the National League for Democracy (NLD) and Member of Parliament of Kawhmu constituency in Burma. She was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 1991.

Christine Chinkin, FBA, is currently Professor in International Law at the London School of Economics. She has widely published on issues of international human rights law, law, including as co-author of The Boundaries of International Law: A Feminist Analysis.

Nicola Lacey holds a Senior Research Fellowship at All Souls College, and is Professor of Criminal Law and Legal Theory at the University of Oxford, having previously held a chair at the London School of Economics. Nicola’s research is in criminal law and criminal justice, with a particular focus on comparative and historical scholarship. In 2011 she won the Hans Sigrist Prize for scholarship on the rule of law in modern societies.

Sir Geoffrey Nice QC is a barrister; he is a signatory of Harvard’s Crimes in Burma report. Sir Geoffrey is a member of Burma Justice Committee and works with NGO's and other groups seeking international recognition of crimes committed in conflicts; represents government and similar interests at the ICC.

A Burmese native, Dr Zarni is a veteran founder of the Free Burma Coalition, one of the Internet's first and largest human rights campaigns and a Visiting Fellow at the Civil Society and Human Security Research Unit, LSE. His forthcoming book, provisionally titled Life under the Boot: 50-years of Military Dictatorship in Burma, will be published by Yale University Press.

Mary Kaldor is professor of Global Governance in the Department of International Development and Director of the Civil Society and Human Security Research Unit at LSE. She writes on globalisation, international relations and humanitarian intervention, global civil society and global governance, as well as what she calls New Wars.

↧

[Altsean-Burma] Unrest in Burmas Arakan State: A chronology of events (Updated)

June 25, 2012, 10:06 pm

≫ Next: La Birmane Aung San Suu Kyi célébrée par Paris

≪ Previous: The Rule of Law

Dear Friends,

ALTSEAN-Burma has released an update of �Unrest in Burma�s Arakan State: A chronology of events.�

Updates include:

* 62 people have died as a result of the unrest in Arakan State from 28 May to 21 June.
* Over 2,000 buildings, including seven mosques and nine Buddhist monasteries, have been destroyed.
* 90,000 people have been displaced.
* A court sentences to death two Rohingya men accused of the 28 May rape and murder of a Rakhine woman in Rambree Township.
* Bangladesh pushes back more than 2,000 Rohingya fleeing violence in Arakan State.
* Bangladeshi FM says Bangladesh cannot take any more refugees from Burma �under any circumstances.�
* UN says that the underlying tensions that stem from discrimination against ethnic and religious minorities pose a threat to Burma�s democratic transition and stability.

The briefer is available at: http://bit.ly/KA6Cen

You can also receive daily Burma updates by following us on Twitter https://twitter.com/#!/ALTSEAN

Yours, in solidarity,

ALTSEAN-Burma

↧

La Birmane Aung San Suu Kyi célébrée par Paris

June 29, 2012, 10:59 pm

≫ Next: FBR: FBR: No Ceasefire Here; Homes Destroyed, Families Separated but the Kachin People Still Stand (revised)

≪ Previous: [Altsean-Burma] Unrest in Burmas Arakan State: A chronology of events (Updated)

La Birmane Aung San Suu Kyi célébrée par Paris by mairiedeparis

↧

FBR: FBR: No Ceasefire Here; Homes Destroyed, Families Separated but the Kachin People Still Stand (revised)

June 30, 2012, 7:50 pm

≫ Next: [Altsean-Burma] June 2012 Burma Bulletin

≪ Previous: La Birmane Aung San Suu Kyi célébrée par Paris

FBR REPORT: No Ceasefire Here; Homes Destroyed, Families Separated but the Kachin People Still Stand (revised)

Kachin State, Burma

12 June, 2012

The first version of this report omitted an important picture showing evidence of chemical weapons being used by the Burma Army against the Kachin people.

Dear friends,

Photo of chemical munitions container used against the Kachin

Burma Army camp on Myitkyina-Bhamo bridge

Child in IDP site

Children newly arriving to IDP site

Kachin kids during Good LIfe Club program at IDP site

5 Burma soldiers in trenches and bunker with machine gun

Homes burned 28 May 2012 near Nam Sang Yang village

Homes destroyed by Burma Army in Nam Sang Yang town

Burma Army camp on Myitkyina-Bhamo bridge

Taping Dam with Burma Army bunkers in foreground

Good Life Club program

Medics treat patients

May God bless you,

Relief Team Leader, Family and the Free Burma Rangers

Kachin State, Burma

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